本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

本文旨在釐清學界對於「權力平衡狀態」與「權力平衡體系」的內涵混淆，透過對「權力平衡體系」進行嚴謹的定義，推進權力平衡理論的解釋力。 學界一直對「權力平衡」的理解有許多誤解與偏見，其中，誤將「狀態」等同於「體系」是最常見的問題。本文先回顧華爾茲（Kenneth Waltz）對於體系的界定，指出其中的不足之處，並借用建構主義溫特（Alexander Wendt）的理論來補充。描繪出我們對於權力平衡體系的文化、結構與邏輯等論點。 藉由對體系進行嚴謹的定義，不但使得「權力平衡狀態..

This article aims to clarify the confusion among academic circles about the connotations of “Balance of Power Situation” and “Balance of Power System” and to advance the explanatory power of BOP theory through a rigorous definition of “Balance of Power System.” There have always been many misunderstandings and deviations in “Balance of Power.” Mistaking “situation” with “system” is the most common problem. This article first reviews the definition of “system&r..

隨著拜登政府（Biden Administration）對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁，美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標，導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此，本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發，建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現，儘管中國已成為科技強國之一，但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..

As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..

霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.