永續發展是近年國際社會共同關注與致力推動的重大議題，在世界貿易組織（WTO）成員國推動下，投資便捷化與發展協定（IFDA）草案於2024年第13屆部長會議（MC13）提出。IFDA的重點規範包括推動投資措施的便捷化與投資人遵循負責任的企業行（RBC），惟IFDA僅要求成員國鼓勵投資人自願採行RBC國際規範，欠缺具體獎勵誘因與制裁機制，成效存疑，作為推動永續發展的國際規範架構，顯有不足。本文認為應仿效WTO貿易便捷化協定（TFA）的授權營運商機制，於IFDA增訂永續投資人認證（RSI）制度..

Sustainable development has become a major issue for the international community in recent years. A great number of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Members proposed a draft of the Investment Facilitation and Development Agreement (IFDA) at the 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13) in 2024, but not accepted. IFDA’s key provisions include facilitating investment measures and encouraging investors to adhere to responsible business conduct (RBC). However, the IFDA only encourages ‘voluntary adoption’ of international RBC norms..

歐盟「規範性權力」（Normative Power）概念源自歐盟東擴計畫，檢視歐盟堅持普世價值並藉以推行各項對外政策成果，多著眼於法政與自由貿易協議而產業政策較為少見，因為歐盟產業政策本是新近議題。本文建構一個歐盟同時追求既有價值原則，同時面對近期經濟安全去風險趨勢與追求經濟繁榮的「不可能三角」理論，說明目前面對地緣政治與供應鏈變動衝擊，兼以成員國立場不一致下，堅持「規範性權力」推行普世價值難度增加，將提升歐盟政策選擇的不確定性。我們以臺灣製造業上市櫃公司問卷結果進行驗證，證明歐盟以價值..

“Normative Power” originates from the EU's enlargement, emphasizing the commitment to universal values and its achievements in implementing various foreign policies. This concept mainly focuses on legal-political matters and free trade agreements, while industrial policy is less prominent, as it is a relatively recent issue for the EU. This paper constructs a theoretical framework of the “impossible trinity,” wherein the EU simultaneously pursues its established value principles, addresses recent trends in econom..

本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..

本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..