近代日本思想界總是企圖避免採用會凸顯日本的概念，一方面是對日本身在世界面前缺乏信心，二方面是身在亞洲面前會引發鄰國的猜忌。然而，在日本無法整合亞洲，但又對歐美強權追求和平的誠意與能力感到不足的時候，以日本作為一種有別於西方的和平主義身分，並不會引起亞洲的反彈或西方的排斥。本文以下刻意違反日本思想史習慣而提出的日本主義，其內涵是繞過亞洲，直接以日本作為世界性的國家，貢獻於世界性的形成，並以日本是世界上最有資格談和平與中立的民族，來反思西方、亞洲乃至於中國所代表..

Modern history of Japanese thought always avoids the notion of “Japan” as thinkers do not consider Japan a valid identity to be presented to the world led by European civilizations. If Japan were to participate, it could only participate with confidence in the name of Asia. However, this Asia approach resulted in notorious expansionist war in history. After Cold War was over, Japan’s equal partnership in the world alongside European countries has appeared certain. On the other hand, Europeanness has not achi..

本文旨在分析歐元對倫敦金融中心其影響與未來發展。以倫敦金融中心目前境外金融的特質，歐元的出現對其意義為機會多於威脅，然而，本文發現，此一境外金融的競爭優勢卻未因此使其內部對歐元議題產生一致的態度，反而出現嚴重的意見分歧。根據此一發現，本文因而對過去習於認為倫敦金融中心以其對英國經濟與政治的重要性，其政策偏好將為主政者決策指標的傳統看法提出質疑。本文解釋此一分歧的立場反應的是倫敦金融中心對於應如何發展為國際金融中心的兩種途徑之爭論:國際境外金融途徑與境內實體金..

This paper examines what the euro means, both to the current offshore- dominated City of London (the City) and for its future development. With its offshore nature, the City benefits more from the introduction of the euro than being threatened. Its competitive advantage as an offshore global portal of euro-related business, however, does not harmonize opinions within the City on the issue of the UK’s euro membership. Rather, City practitioners’ attitudes are divided. This finding thus challenges the conventional w..

歐盟於 1968 年成立一個糖共同行銷組織，在價格體系下，針對糖採取國內補貼與出口補貼。補貼額度超過歐盟 1995 年減讓承諾的補貼金額與出口數量，影響到澳洲、巴西與泰國糖的出口利益，而向 WTO 提起控訴。本案顯示補貼問題的複雜性，尤其很多國家透過國內補貼，而對出口產品實施交叉補貼，形成變相的出口補貼，這是本案的主要爭議。歐盟糖出口補貼被認定為違反 WTO 農業協定相關規定，因此影響到澳洲、巴西與泰國糖合法利益。本案對於歐盟糖體系的改革、WTO 杜哈發展議..

The European Union (EU) established a Common Organization for sugar in 1968, and accordingly applied subsidies to sugar under the price support system. However, the EU has been providing export subsidies in excess of its budgetary outlay and quantity commitment levels specified in the Schedule of 1995, thereby nullifying or impairing benefits expected to accrue to Australia, Brazil and Thailand under the Agreement on Agriculture. This case demonstrates the complexity of subsidies, in particular as more and more WTO members ap..

歐洲聯盟 2004 年 5 月以及 2007 年 1 月的東擴之舉係 1950 年代以來歐洲統合過程中重要的發展過程。這不僅是使得中東歐地區國家加入歐盟，更重要的意義在於將不同地區文化與結構透過改革的轉軌過程中融入了歐盟的價值。因此，在歐盟未來的主要擴大議程中也包含了土耳其、克羅埃西亞以及西巴爾半島地區國家。對於歐盟而言，加強並保障有關區域和平、穩定、 繁榮、民主、人權以及歐洲法治的理念價值是相當重要的。 對土耳其而言，與歐盟的關係已歷..

The Eastern Enlargement of the European Union in the year of 2004 and 2007 is one of the most significant developments in the process of European Integration since the 1950s. And with Turkey and the Western Balkan States, enlargement will continue to be one of the major issues on the political agendas. More recently, the EU has inspired tremendous reforms in Turkey, Croatia and the Western Balkans. It is vitally important for the EU to ensure a carefully managed enlargement process that extends peace, stability, prosperity, d..

2004 年及 2007 年歐盟兩次東擴後已有 27 個會員國，但目前仍有許多國家期望未來可以加入歐盟。對歐盟來說，繼續擴大歐洲穩定與民主區有助於歐洲大陸局勢之穩定，然其負面效應則是過多會員國可能有礙於更深層次的整合與有限資源應如何有效分配等問題。因此，歐盟對其鄰近國家採取一系列相關政策來整合目前歐盟與這些地區之互動，其主要政策工具即是歐盟睦鄰政策之推行，本文試圖釐清歐盟睦鄰政策初步實踐之效果。作者認為，睦鄰政策做為歐盟外交政策工具之一，其主要核心目標在於提..

There are 27 member states within the European Union after enlargements of 2004 and 2007; many others are still trying to join the EU recently. The inclusion of more states is conducive to the expansion of stability zone in the European continent but it will be at the cost of closer EU integration and resource distribution. The European Neighbourhood Policy is designed for enhanced cooperation after the fifth enlargement between EU and its partner countries and this article tries to explore the innate nature of policy goals a..