台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

亞洲金融危機始自 1997 年 7 月泰銖的崩潰，以印尼、南韓、泰國、菲律賓及馬來西亞等 5 國受害最深，其他鄰國也紛紛遭受波及，各國根據所處主、客觀環境，採取不同的因應方法。泰國、印尼、南韓等國由於外匯短缺，只有聽任本國貨幣貶值，進行經濟上的對外調整，而其後遺症則為倚賴外債過深的企業連鎖倒閉，帶來金融機構逾期放款大幅增加，以及經濟成長率下滑、失業率上升等問題。新加坡、香港、日本、中國及台灣，整體而言受影響較小。自 1997 年亞洲爆發金融危機，迄 2006..

The Asian financial crisis started with the collapse of the Thai baht in July 1997. Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia were the countries most affected by the crisis. The other neighboring countries were also hit by the slump. Those countries took different strategies to cope with their crises according to their own subjective and objective environment. Because of the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea had to let local currencies devaluated substantially to adjus..

本文旨在探討台北縣選民在 2005 年縣長與鄉鎮市長兩個不同層級選舉中的一致與分裂投票行為。本研究的重點在強調:欲瞭解選民於不同層級選舉中的投票行為，不但要關注各個層級選舉影響因素的異同，更需考量到兩項公職同時選舉時可能產生的相互影響。因此在本文中，除概述台北縣選民在這兩種選舉中的一致與分裂投票情形之外，亦嘗試以隨機效用(random utility)理論，推演兼顧上述兩個特性的雙變數「聯立式機率單元模型」 (simultaneous equations p..

This article examines the first ever simultaneous local elections of county and township magistrates in Taiwan in December, 2005. We argue that in order to fully understand the voting choices in simultaneous inter-level elections scholars need to take account not only those factors affecting each level’s election but also the interactions between different levels. There are two competing theories concerning the flow of causal influences, i.e., the bottom-up mass mobilization hypothesis and the top-down coat-tail effect ..

1980 年代中期以來，包括台灣在內的部分亞洲、中東歐、中南美等國家紛紛進行民主轉型，並帶動新一波的憲法變遷。不過，在民主轉型的脈絡中，憲法究竟扮演何種角色，則一直未受到充分學術探討。本文旨在深究民主轉型與憲法變遷間的互動關係。 在研究方法上，本文歸納分析民主轉型國家的憲法變遷，提出四種主要的模式:轉型初期一次制憲、轉型初期一次大幅修憲、階段式制憲、多次漸進修憲。其次則從主權因素、政權更迭、憲政傳統以及國際干預的四個面向，探討民主轉型國..

Many countries in East and Central Europe, Central and South America, and Asia, including Taiwan, undertook democratic transitions amidst the 1980s, which triggered a new wave of constitutional change. The role of constitutional change in the context of democratic transitions, however, has not been explored and discussed fully by scholars in the field. This article aims at addressing this issue and focuses on the interactions between democratic transitions and constitutional change. In order to analyze constitution..

歐洲統合的進程在經濟、文化與推動西方普世價值方面已使得歐洲聯盟成為一個全球「公民強權」的角色，但是是否藉此轉化成為一個「軍事強權」，仍然是歐盟各會員國爭論的焦點。從馬斯垂克條約將「共同外交與安全政策」納入歐盟決策的三大支柱之一後，歐盟在外交與安全政策的合作才開始具備法律的基礎。但是一九九0年代發生於歐洲本身的區域衝突，凸顯歐盟在解決歐洲本身軍事爭端時的無力感。在一九九0年代末期發展出的「歐洲安全與防衛政策」即著眼於歐盟自主軍事力量的整合與強化，以期因應未來可能發生的區域與國際衝突。 ..

The process of the European integration in economic, cultural and universalising Western values in the past half century has reinforced EU's role as a global “civilian power”. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty founded a “Common Foreign and Security Policy ”, as one of the three pillars of EU, providing c0operation of foreign and security policies among member states with a legal basis. Nevertheless, regional conflicts in Europe of hte 90s only demonstrated that EU was not yet capable of solving military conflicts in its..