儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

本文從香港回歸中國統治前後之歷史脈絡，分析中國領導人對於國際民主權利規範的論述建構過程及內涵，並檢視北京政府對於香港政治人權政策的相關論述中相關語言符號的運用變化情形，以進一步分析中國對於香港地區在國際人權規範的論述建構與意涵。研究發現，1997 年香港回歸以後，中國政府對香港民主權利建制的國際人權規範建構，基本上仍呈現為一種以「工具性適應」向「爭論性辯論」過渡與擺盪的建構型態。「一國兩制」方 案成為北京因應國際人權力量與國內地方區域自治權雙向要求的一種限縮..

This paper, in the context of history of Hong Kong’s returning to PRC, analyzes the construct of the PRC leaderships’ discourse on the international norms of democratic rights by reviewing the language symbols from the texts of the PRC’s political human rights policy toward Hong Kong so as to scrutinize the type and implications of PRC’s international norms constructing. It argues that, after the returning of Hong Kong to PRC, the type of international norms constructing of democratic rights that PRC t..

全球化是後冷戰時代的重要學術課題，是一個多重論述的辯證場域，包羅了政治、軍事、財經、生產、消費、文化、宗教等基本力量的交錯和交融，而不同時代有其不同的論述主軸。基於此，本文首先要介紹辯證概念以及全球化中原本蘊含的辯證特性。然後，本文要討論幾個相互關連的辯證過程。其中先從現代生產方式的演變中來透視福特生產方式的形成，指出福特主義中原來就包涵了大眾消費的擴展。其後從消費的實踐到消費主義的理論提升是另外一個重要的辯證環節，由此可以看到資本主義藉品味和風格的主導來達..

Globalization has become a major research topic in the post-Cold War period. In the aspect of methodology, globalization includes the nature of dialectical logic. Accordingly, this article will present the four connected dialectical dimensions. First, with regards to the background of second Industrial Revolution, it will discuss the emergence of the Fordist way of production and its political-economic impacts. Then, in lines with Fordism, it will discuss the promotion of the practice of mass consumption to the theory of cons..

1997 年 12 月聯合國氣候變化綱要公約的京都議定書問世以來，各國的履行狀況各異:有些國家選擇履行，有些國家選擇不履行;有些國家履行的步調迅速，有些國家履行的步調緩慢。本文運用關係締約途徑，從剩餘控制權利與全球環境治理結構、交易成本與全球環境治理結構調適等面向，分析影響各國履行的因素。 全球環境治理結構愈是偏向行動者剩餘控制權利懸殊的階層關係，各行動者所須付出的治理成本愈高，愈偏好傾向無政府關係的全球環境治理結構，以降低治理成本;另..

Due to the presence of states’ various implementing conditions of Kyoto Protocol since December 1997, this essay intends to analyze the factors through dimensions of rights of residual control, global environmental governance structure, transaction cost, and the adaptation of global environmental governance structure from relational contracting approaches. Actors tend to choose more anarchical relations of global environmental governance structure to decrease high governance costs resulted from hierarchical r..

財政短缺常是政府選擇 PFI 的主要原因之一，PFI 可以幫助政府克服財政上的兩難:即在緊縮的財政情況下，仍能透過較高的私人資本支出增加公共投資。本文主要的目的即在檢驗具有豐富 PFI 經驗的英國，尤其是新工黨執政時，是否符合這項假設。此外，本文也試圖回答新工黨選擇 PFI 的理由、主要的作法及其如何面對黨內 PFI 的反對者，以貫徹其執行 PFI 的決心。研究發現保守黨政府採取 PFI，確實存在政府部門面臨的財經壓力，工黨政府並非在財政壓力下，為了控制公共..

Financial shortage is the main reason governments choose PFI. Literature on PFI almost always argues that they can solve the government financial dilemmas under extreme conditions of retrenchment through more private capital spending to boost public investment. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the British government under the New Labor matches the hypothesis. Moreover, this study tries to find out why and how PFI has been adopted and carried through by the New Labor in spite of oppositions within the party. We ..