在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下，聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉，常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung)，形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能，在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨，而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..

Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..

歐盟與美國所推動之跨大西洋貿易與投資夥伴協定談判，被公認是國際貿易史上最大規模與最具野心之區域貿易協定。該協定試圖為跨大西洋市場訂定共同管制標準，並處理許多議題，如確保食品安全之問題，成為媒體輿論關注之焦點。本文擬就該協定與歐美食品安全法規合作之問題進行論述，尤其針對危害分析重要管制點制度進行討論。  

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership(TTIP)currently being negotiated by the United States and the European Union is widely considered as the largest and most ambitious regional free trade agreement in the history of international trade. It attempts to establish common regulatory standards for the transatlantic marketplace, dealing with many issues such as ensuring food safety, attracting media attention and public debates. This paper discusses the TTIP agreement and the US-EU cooperation on food safety regulatio..

「新功能主義」(Neo-Functionalism, NF)是研究區域統合(integration) 最常被討論的論述之一，不過近年來新功能主義在內容上已有了很大的轉化:外溢效果(spill-overeffect)不再被視作統合的唯一自變項，而統合也只是「暫時」的依變項，不再是一項必定的結果。 哈斯(Ernst Haas)在新世紀即對其近 50 年前所提之新功能主義提出評論，獲學界高度矚目，頗值關心此議題及關心兩岸發展的人士注意;本文藉..

Neo-functionalism(NF)is one of the most argumentative theories for dealing with issues of regional integration. Supporters of NF argue that when the spillover effectis created through the process of functional integration, separate entities can construct political systems compatible with each other. Nevertheless, NF, especially that proposed by Ernst Hass, has changed since it was contested by scholars and testified in the literature. Nowadays, it is not valid to argue that the spillover effect can create integration automati..

相對於泰國與馬來西亞，印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家，也有內需市場支撐，但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律，也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌，而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑，就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素，本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈，..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..

選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..