台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

亞洲金融危機始自 1997 年 7 月泰銖的崩潰，以印尼、南韓、泰國、菲律賓及馬來西亞等 5 國受害最深，其他鄰國也紛紛遭受波及，各國根據所處主、客觀環境，採取不同的因應方法。泰國、印尼、南韓等國由於外匯短缺，只有聽任本國貨幣貶值，進行經濟上的對外調整，而其後遺症則為倚賴外債過深的企業連鎖倒閉，帶來金融機構逾期放款大幅增加，以及經濟成長率下滑、失業率上升等問題。新加坡、香港、日本、中國及台灣，整體而言受影響較小。自 1997 年亞洲爆發金融危機，迄 2006..

The Asian financial crisis started with the collapse of the Thai baht in July 1997. Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia were the countries most affected by the crisis. The other neighboring countries were also hit by the slump. Those countries took different strategies to cope with their crises according to their own subjective and objective environment. Because of the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea had to let local currencies devaluated substantially to adjus..

恐怖主義以國際化新面貌出現在東南亞地區已經形成對區域內國家安全的嚴重挑戰，同時也因為恐怖組織具有非國家行為者威脅區域安全的特性，其活動方式與範圍繁複，不僅僅以單純的暴力攻擊方式進行，另有以滲透、洗錢、非法入境、核生化原料販運，甚至進行網路攻擊等等，凸顯出恐怖主義與非傳統安全因素對區域安全的威脅大幅增高。而國際反恐的進行，衝擊區域內伊斯蘭世界的輿論動向，各國政府無不審慎因應。九一一恐怖攻擊之後恐怖主義及其相關安全威脅的嚴重性已經成為各國政府以及安全研究領域專家..

Over the past decade, terrorist activities in Southeast Asia have increasingly posed great threat upon regional security. By developing international networks, terrorist organizations can effectively launch operation across borders and deliver massive terror to societies concerned. Unlike traditional security threats to states, threats of terrorist organizations are characterized by its vast complexity and scope of activities. Not only do terrorists conduct violent attacks to communities targeted, but also carry out money lau..

「自決」一詞，在民主政治的發展上，主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動，在多元面貌的發展之下，卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下，賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐，已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展，歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視，以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地..

Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the  independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due ..

從自然法的角度看，科索沃阿裔應有自決獨立之權利，但相對於1990年代初斯洛文尼亞、克羅埃西亞、波士尼亞——赫塞哥維那、馬其頓相繼脫離南斯拉夫聯邦而獨立，獨立願望最強、奮鬥時間最長、與塞爾維亞種族和文化差異最大的科索沃至今仍無法如願獨立。本文認為阿裔的自決權乃因受制於科索沃歷史地位的爭議、法律地位的束縛、阿裔實力不足以及國際社會不支持等四項障礙而無法實現。在國際社會的態度方面，本文指出「維持區域權力平衡」並非國際社會重要成員不願支持科索沃獨立的主要原因，「區域和平與..

From the viewpoint of the natural law, the Kosovar Albanians should have the right of self-determination. But Kosovo, a region with the strongest will for independence, the longest time of struggle, and the greatest differences with Serbia in both race and culture, still cannot achieve its independence until now when compared with Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia, which were separated from the Yugoslav Federation and all became independent successively at the early 1990's. This article argues that the Kosovar Alb..