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從「避險」到「軟制衡」: 美國的策略如何改變越南的中國政策,2014∼2019
From Hedging to Soft Balancing: How the U.S. Strategy Changes Vietnam’s China Policy, 2014-2019
阮功松(Cong-Tung Nguyen)
59卷1期(2020/03/01)

學界一般認為,冷戰結束後,隨著中國的快速崛起,包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外,越南亦主動與各大國交好,並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線,此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而,本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向,即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力,而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此,無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是,基於安全與國家利益的考量,..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..

日本地方自治體行政區域合併或跨域治理策略之研究:以關東都市圈為例
Administration Zone Merger and Cross- Boundary Governance Strategies of Local Autonomous Bodies in Japan: Using the Greater Tokyo Area as an Example
王皓平(Hao-ping Wang)趙永茂(Yung-mau Chao)
58卷4期(2019/12/01)

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」,擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個,以利區域廣域政策的推動,並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而,自治體的存續為憲法所保障,尤其在民主時代,日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此,有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下,選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題,實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..

歐盟建立外資併購監控機制分析:歐中雙邊爭議與挑戰
The Origins of the EU-Level FDI Screening Mechanism: Conflicts of the EU-China Industry Policies and the Challenges
葉國俊(Kuo-chun Yeh)林展暉(Chan-hui Lin)
58卷3期(2019/09/01)

歐盟整合成員國政策並建立監控外資活動機制的努力,自2017年9月執委會提議以來,進展迅速並已於2019年2月獲歐洲議會立法通過,相關文件均以中國大陸資金在歐併購為案例。本文回顧歐中投資爭議開端,申論其源於對外經貿與產業發展理念差異,而近期中方透過「一帶一路」、「中國製造2025」指令下的海外投資併購,試圖同時解決產能過剩與產業升級目標,使雙邊爭端白熱化。除前述中方政策對歐盟可能影響外,本文亦將討論歐盟因應策略,中方可能反制措施,以及當前情勢對於歐中雙方後續作..

In this paper, we argue that China’s current strategies including Made in China 2025 and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with large scale mergers and acquisitions are still consistent with the so-called “divide and rule” principle with respect to the European Union (EU) since 2005. Furthermore, there will be some leading and potential industries through the above approach, even though the problems of overcapacity and inefficiency still exist. On the basis of the bilateral trade and investment strategies, we a..

聯邦體制與選舉制度對不同層級選舉間選民政黨偏好轉移之影響:德國2013年至2017年聯邦眾議院及巴登—符騰堡邦議會選舉之實證研究
The Impact of the Federal System and the Electoral System on the Political Party Inclination of Voters at Different Levels of Election: An Empirical Study on the Bundestag and Baden-Württemberg Landtag Elections in Germany from 2013 to 2017
彭睿仁(Jui-Jen Peng)
58卷2期(2019/06/01)

在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下,聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉,常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung),形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能,在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨,而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..

Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..

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