歷經近四十年的兩岸交流,究竟對兩岸關係產生了何種變化與影響?本文將從學習(learning)理論來剖析兩岸民間交流的過程與結果,並檢視自從兩岸開放交流後彼此關係的變化與所面臨的侷限。本文採取案例研究分析中國大陸在經濟發展、農村社區營造方面向臺灣學習的經驗,以及臺灣在直播帶貨、短影音方面向中國大陸學習的經驗。本文發現國內政治因素是影響兩岸交流的最主要因素,特別是中國大陸對臺灣的「選舉式民主」以及臺灣對中國大陸社群媒體傳播的疑慮,使得兩岸交流仍停留在「簡單學習」與「負面學習」的階段,因此無法..
What changes and impacts have brought to the cross-strait relationship after 40 years of exchanges? This article uses learning theory to analyze the processes and outcomes of people to people exchanges; it also examines the transformations and limitations in cross-strait relationship since the opening of exchanges. Using case studies, the article explores China’s experiences of learning from Taiwan in economic development and rural community building, as well as Taiwan’s experiences of learning from China in livestream e-commerc..
2010年中國漁船與日本海上保安廳巡邏船於釣魚臺相撞之後,中國向日本禁運稀土,此例成為經濟脅迫的一個顯著案例。2019年左右中國官方媒體又再次將稀土視為與美國貿易戰的武器,此使中國的稀土政策、稀土供應鏈的韌性重新成為人們關注的焦點。為了確定稀土用於經濟制裁或經濟脅迫時的有效性,我們有必要重新審視中國2010年對日本進行稀土禁運案例。本文重新審視了當時日本政府對於中國對日禁運稀土所採取的一連串政策回應,並檢視2010年後日本與稀土相關的經濟安全政策。此外,基於此案例,本文發展出評估單一國家..
China’s media has reported multiple times that the country could use its rare earth exports as a countermeasure against the United States since the Trump administration launched its trade war. President Biden has sought international cooperation to bolster supply chains and counter China’s economic coercion, and rare earth elements have been identified as the key resources in this campaign. To determine whether rare earth elements can be used effectively in economic sanctions, we must re-examine China’s 2010 embargo on rar..
本研究探索造成《歐盟—越南自由貿易協定》(EUVFTA)和《歐盟—中國全面投資協定》(EU-China CAI)不同結果的影響因素。歐越自貿協定及歐中投資協定皆將永續發展及勞工權利等貿易永續願景納入歐盟貿易政策,亦即兩者皆為歐盟所謂的新世代經貿協定。然而在實務上,兩項協定命運卻有很大的差異。本研究透過現實主義、自由主義和社會建構主義三大國際關係主流理論,探索影響兩個協定發展的戰略、制度和意識形態因素。本文認為,儘管理念上的規範性力量有其重要性,但戰略夥伴關係、既存..
This thesis investigates the differing results of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EUVFTA) and the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Both agreements are designed to embed sustainability and labor rights within the EU’s trade policies. By applying realism, liberalism, and social constructivism, the study examines the strategic, institutional, and ideological elements that impact these agreements. It is posited that although normative power is essential, practical factors concerning strategic partnerships, instit..
在科技快速發展的時代,數位領域已成為地緣政治競爭的核心,重塑全球治理、安全與經濟格局。美中日益激烈的科技競爭正在加速全球數位秩序的分化,其核心問題在於全球網路治理規範的分歧,反映出不同價值觀與政策優先事項的對立。在此背景下,印太地區憑藉其經濟潛力與科技創新能力,成為推動數位轉型與治理的關鍵戰場。 除了美中競爭,歐盟(EU)作為全球規範性權力(Normative Power Europe, NPE),也試圖在印太地區的數位秩序中發揮影響。然而,相較於美國以市場驅動(market-d..
In an era of rapid technological advancement, the digital domain has become a core battleground for geopolitical competition, reshaping global governance, security, and economic structures. The intensifying U.S.-China technological rivalry is accelerating the fragmentation of the global digital order, with the key challenge being the divergence in global cyber governance norms, reflecting conflicting values and policy priorities. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region, with its economic potential and technological innovation capacit..
本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家,除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外,也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場,因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而,近年來,隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」,以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」,中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下,是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..
This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..
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