本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..

柔性平衡理論以不同於傳統平衡論的觀點解讀國家行為與互動，其認為國家在威脅不明或與他國利益相連等情況下，將透過迂迴隱晦的方式進行平衡。該理論近年來在國際關係學界中漸受關注，研究者們不僅運用其解讀現實案例，也對理論內涵提出許多評述與論辯。本文在回顧既有論著的基礎上探討該理論之內容並檢視各類平衡策略形態，以期呈現柔性平衡理論當前的整體發展狀況，並釐清其內容中的爭議處，以推動後續研究的進一步深化。  

The theory of “soft balancing” deals with the actions and interactions among states that is different from traditional balancing theories. The former features a belief that states achieve balances among themselves in indirect and covert ways under uncertain threats and interests pegged with other states. During the past few years, the theory of soft balancing has gradually gained prominence in academic circles of international relations. Researchers not only apply the theory while interpreting actual cases, but al..

國際系統的理論化是國際關係理論發展的關鍵階段之一，甚至有學者認為國際關係理論研究如同是(國際)系統理論化的傳統。國際關係學者從 1950、60 年代開始進行國際系統的理論化，嘗試建立科學研究的國際系統理論，不同的學者都嘗試藉由其他學科學者的系統理論(systems theory)提出不同的國際系統理論化途徑。國際關係歷史社會學學者歷經三階段的國際系統理論化途徑，第一階段引述歷史社會學學者的國際系統觀點，作為其國際系統理論化及批判新現實主義國際系統理論化的主張..

Theorization of the “international systems” is a critical stage in the development of International Relations Theory(IRT). Some IR scholars even thought that IRT is a tradition of(international)systems-theorization. Since the 1950s and 1960s, IR scholars began to theorize the “international systems” and build a scientific study on international systems theories. Many scholars tried to propose approaches in theorizing the “international systems” through system theories from other disciplines..