歐洲歷經兩極體系瓦解與區域整合不斷推進的國際局勢，處在歐洲大陸的眾多國家各自發展出不同的安全策略、採取多種途徑保障本身國家安全，我們認為歐洲國家的安全策略選擇有其路徑可循，本文著重討論此種策略選擇的因素分析。在案例揀選上，本文特別著重歐洲中小型國家安全策略選擇，這主要是因為過去相當長的時間國際關係學多著重於大國安全研究，對中小型國家重視程度仍有待提升，因此本文擬從中小型國家著手，分析這一群國家安全策略選擇。 在安全策略選擇模式建立上，本..

The European continent has been free of great wars since the end of Cold War. This article assesses security studies in international relations by focusing on middle ground states’ strategic choices in relation to great powers. We argue that Small and Medium States(SMSs)widespread in Eastern Europe, Balkan Peninsula and South Caucasus have their strategic calculations in shaping their security choices. The article posits that the decision-making process of SMSs’ security policies rests upon differentiated and cros..

美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..

2015 年底，《公約》第 21 次締約方會議(巴黎會議)，經過為期兩週的談判之後，終於對全球氣候治理達成歷史性協議。《巴黎協議》被譽為是第一個真正的全球氣候協議，為 2020 年之後的全球溫室氣體減量工作提供明確規範。本文透過質性研究，就有關巴黎氣候談判的過程和巴黎協議的內容進行研究，以了解《巴黎協議》對全球氣候治理的意義和國際氣候談判的運作。本文研究發現，以自主減排取代一體適用的方式，以及歐盟、美國和中國這三大國際氣候強權的支持，是《巴黎協議》能夠順利完..

After two weeks of negotiation, the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21)finally passed a new global climate agreement. The Paris Agreement(PA)is deemed as the first true global climate deal to date, principled upon policies to reduce Greenhouse gas emission after 2020. In order to understand meanings and effects of the COP21, as well as gaming of international climate negotiations, this paper adopts a qualitative research approach to analyze the processes of the COP21, and the contents of the PA. According to this research, ..

近 400 年來的歐洲，是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」，以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞，則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」，是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看，「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治，骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算，中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望，不得不臣服。但是，從建構主義式的觀點來看，之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序，並不只是因為中國的強大，也是因為區域國家認同中國的..

For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemon..

本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期，中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後，中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過，中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力，對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數，特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年，中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言，雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年，歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..

This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..