本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..

本文研究同時具有「北約組織」和「歐盟」會員國身分的歐洲國家與中國之間的關係。同時具有這兩個會員國身分的國家，除了是歐洲「最為民主」和「最具安全保障」的國家之外，也因為須配合這兩個國際建制的官方立場，因而在理論上應該要對中國採取方向一致的經濟、外交和安全政策。然而，近年來，隨著「美國對中政策的轉變」、「歐盟在移民和經濟議題上的分裂」，以及「北約組織各國在安全議題上的分歧」，中國對歐洲國家「分而治之」的爭議也浮上檯面。在經濟和安全皆有保障的情況之下，是否有什麼系統性的因素可以解釋歐洲各國與中..

This paper examines the relationships between China and the European countries that hold dual membership in both NATO and EU. These countries, being among the most democratic and secure in Europe, are theoretically expected to adopt consistent economic, diplomatic, and security policies toward China in line with the official positions of these two international institutions. However, in recent years, shifts in U.S. policy towards China, divisions within the EU on migration and economic issues, and security disagreements within NATO have bro..

作為太平洋島國地區成員之一的索羅門群島，近年和美國、中國、澳洲等國家皆往來密切，成為各方積極拉攏的合作對象，其外交動向備受國際社會矚目。本文運用國際關係研究中的「避險戰略」分析索羅門群島外交政策，該戰略建議現代國家面臨利害交錯的複雜情境時，宜跳脫傳統的「平衡／扈從」二分思維，改以雙向投注作法同時迴避安全損害及利益損失風險。研究結果顯示索羅門群島雖是發展程度低落且國內情勢不穩的小型島國，卻能在美中競逐的混沌局面中靈活遊走，同步交好各方以擴大外部援助、增進國家安全並提升國際地位，其外交施政體..

As a member of the Pacific Islands region, the Solomon Islands has developed close ties with countries such as the United States, China, and Australia in recent years, making itself an actively courted partner of relevant countries, its diplomatic orientation therefore attracted the attention of the international community. This article used the “hedging strategy” in international relations studies to analyze the foreign policy of the Solomon Islands. The research of “hedging strategy” suggests modern countries shoul..

中國崛起下東亞區域各國的反應，是近年來廣受關注的議題，中國邊疆地區的反應則相對受到忽略。以人類歷史上並不罕見的多民族大帝國視角來看，曾經的外邦可以收入版圖，曾經的境內也可能叛離或喪失，控制程度的深淺時有變動，在尋求跨越時空通論解釋的國際關係理論視角下，這看似南轅北轍的古今中外不同帝國的收放之間、異族的叛服之間，共通的關鍵因素究竟為何？現實主義所聚焦，物質力量的興衰固然重要；但建構主義的脈絡中，異族對帝國有無文化認同，是否也不可忽視呢？於此，既有研究除關注西方的羅馬帝國，更聚焦於東方的清帝..

The reaction of countries in East Asia under the rise of China has been a topic of widespread concern in recent years, while the reaction of China’s border areas has been relatively ignored. For multi-nation empires throughout human history, foreign territories can be included, and owned territories may also be lost. The degree of control changes from time to time. From the perspective of international relations theories that seek general explanations over a wide range of times and spaces, what exactly are the key factors accounting f..

1970∼1990年代，政治心理學就已運用於國際關係研究，但2000年起的「情緒轉向」賦予「國際政治心理學」復興的意義與影響，包括學者之間不同觀點的辯論、議題研究的實務價值、國際心理學科際整合研究的發展趨勢與挑戰，以及此轉向對整體國關研究的影響等等，都展現「情緒轉向」正重新帶動國際政治心理學的新進展，遂成為觀察此新進展的關鍵櫥窗，藉由此觀察論析其發展的挑戰與回應。 第壹部分探討國關研究的「情緒轉向 」與政治心理學發展，藉以顯現國關學者應用政治心理學為研究途徑於相關領域及議..

From 1970s to 1990s, Political Psychology has applied to International Relations, but only since 2000, the “emotional turn” empowered International Political Psychology the meaning of revival and impacts. Including the debates between scholars with different perspectives (ontology, epistemology, methodology, and research methods), the practice values of issues study, interdisciplinary trends and challenges of International Political Psychology, and the impacts of “emotional turn”. All demonstrate the “emotional..