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論能源憲章條約之現代化與原則性協議
On the Modernization of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Agreement in Principle
李貴英
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

能源憲章條約於1998年生效,目前有54個簽署方,大部分位於歐洲與中亞地區。其目的為保障外國投資人免受地主國不當之管制或政治干預,包括訴諸投資人與地主國爭端解決機制之途徑。2018年啟動該條約之現代化談判,歷經約五年談判後,2022年6月24日能源憲章大會通過原則性協議,完成ECT之修正內容。雖然談判結果未將化石燃料投資排除於保障範圍之外,不過該條約現代化所帶來之實質性改變仍有所進展。儘管如此,部分歐盟會員國宣布退出能源憲章條約,歐盟執委會亦隨之展開協調歐盟及其會員國退出該條約。根據該條..

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) came into force in 1998 and is currently signed by 54 countries, mostly in Europe and Central Asia. Its purpose is to protect foreign investments from regulatory or political interferences of host State, including through investor-State dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS). A negotiation to modernize the agreement was launched in 2018. On 24 June 2022, after five years of negotiations, the Energy Charter Conference Member States reached an Agreement in Principle regarding revisions to the ECT. Despite a crushin..

網路上的右翼民粹政黨: 德國另類選擇黨的臉書經營模式分析
Right Wing Populist Party on the Internet: An Analysis on the AfD’s Mode of Running Facebook
沈有忠
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

過去幾年來,民粹與右翼的政治勢力在許多民主國家持續成長,尤其是歐洲地區。以德國為例,「德國另類選擇黨」(AfD)以反歐盟、反移民政策為代表,並且在2017年聯邦眾議院選舉中,一口氣以12.6%的得票率拿下94席成為第三大黨,也是最大的在野黨。後續在2021年的選舉中, AfD拿下10.3%的選票,維持一定的影響力。在當前右翼、民粹的政治勢力對民主形成的挑戰中,社群媒體中的臉書成為一個重要的工具性角色。在臉書的經營策略上,右翼、民粹的政黨往往以聳動、煽動的言語攻擊既有的體制與主流政黨,激化..

In the past few years, the right-wing populist parties are rising in many democracies especially in Europe. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is known for its opposition to the EU and immigration policy of Germany. AfD has won 94 seats (12.6%) in the 2017 German Federal Election and became the third largest party as well as the largest opposition party. In the 2021 Federal Election, AfD still won 10.3% of the vote and 83 seats. In this wave of populist forces on democracy, social media plays an important role. In terms ..

外在威脅與選舉競爭:2020年總統選舉的分析
External Threat and Electoral Competition: An Analysis of 2020 Presidential Election in Taiwan
陳陸輝
62卷4期(2023/12/01)

本研究從民眾認知外在威脅的觀點,分析其在2020年的總統選舉中,如何影響其投票行為。在2019年的年初,中國國家主席習近平提出「一國兩制,台灣方案」之後,蔡英文總統給予強力的回應,伴隨同年六月間香港升高的「反送中運動」,讓中華民國會不會因為中國大陸的威脅而消失的「亡國感」發酵,成為影響2020年選舉的重要關鍵。 本研究運用在2020年的選舉前後執行的定群追蹤調查,分析民眾是否具有「亡國感」的感受。我們發現,擔心因為被中國大陸統一而讓中華民國消失的民眾比較較高,超過五成一。我們進一..

From the perspective of possible external threat, this study analyzes how voters’ perceptions of external threat might affect their vote choice in the 2020 Presidential election in Taiwan. After Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the ‘one country, two systems’ Taiwan formula” in January of 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen gave a strong response. Along with the “Anti-Extradition Movement” in Hong Kong in June of the same year, the “sense of national subjugation (wangguo gan)” fermented by the pos..

政體類型對於COVID-19防疫成效的影響
The Effect of Regime Types on the COVID-19 Pandemic Prevention Effectiveness
李欣樺 (國立臺灣大學政治學研究所博士生)
62卷3期(2023/09/01)

於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注,惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一,故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言,以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中,本研究的量化分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者,本文之個案研究發現,在東亞國家的防疫過程中,非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度,進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..

The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..

從2020年新冠肺炎疫情探討威權是否比民主具備更優良的防疫效能
Is Autocracy More Efficient in Defending the Pandemic than Democracy? The Case of COVID-19 Pandemic
葉耀元 (美國聖湯瑪斯大學國際研究講座教授 當代語言學系系主任及政治學系系主任)
62卷3期(2023/09/01)

在2020年新冠肺炎的肆虐之下,多數國家都面臨了疫情的挑戰,無論乎是在每日激增的感染人數、死亡人數、以及因為疫情而無法負載的醫療能量。在這種嚴峻的挑戰下,許多觀察家與學者卻看到了威權體制的優勢。因為威權體制可以忽略人權的問題,迅速進行大規模的疫區封鎖,或是對民眾強行進行檢測以及限制人身自由,進而可以較為快速的控制疫情。在這之中,中國與新加坡就是全球防疫的佼佼者。反過來說,對於歐美的民主國家,因為其防疫速度與政府反應較為緩慢,也因為其民主自由的特性而限縮了對人身自由過多的限制,進而導致疫情..

 Most countries have suffered from the COVID-19 pandemic since 2020. The numbers of confirmed cases and casualties and the overloading medical systems are all visible issues and problems each country is dealing with on a daily basis. Many observers and experts argue that authoritarian countries seem to be more capable of defending the COVID-19 pandemic because they can ignore human rights and intervene aggressively into the society to implement anti-pandemic policy, which allows quicker response to the COVID-19 pandemic and better cont..

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