從21世紀開始，低敏感性的區域經濟整合已成為目前國際的趨勢。俄羅斯因應區域經濟整合趨勢，從傳統主導安全性區域整合改採以更有地緣政治優勢的能源戰略，來促進其建立在新「歐亞主義」的「歐亞經濟聯盟」。本文以地緣政治之能源戰略視角，檢視俄羅斯對前蘇聯國家的地緣政治與能源紛爭，並以交易成本經濟模型作為綜合型架構。本文認為國家作為一個理性行為者，俄羅斯運用地緣政治能源戰略降低交易成本。最後本文以交易成本變項來進一步分析前蘇聯國家與俄羅斯之議價能力。

In the 21st century, regional economic integration as a less sensitive issue has become the current international trend. In response to the trend of regional economic integration, Russia has changed from traditionally dominated thought of security regional integration to a more geopolitical energy strategy to promote its establishment of the “Eurasian Economic Union” based on the new “Eurasianism.” From the perspective of geopolitical-based energy strategy, the article examines Russia’s geopolitical and energy ..

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時，避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為，中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交，透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持，進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國，在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為，除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化，短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

本文檢視2005年以降日印兩國建構在外交、經濟、與防衛等領域合作的制度化過程，是否意味著將邁向同盟關係發展。日印兩國與中共之間分別存在著領土主權爭議，再加上中共積極擴大在印太區域的軍事存在，平衡中共威脅成為日印發展戰略合作的重要動機。2014年9月，日印將兩國戰略合作關係提升為「特別戰略性全球夥伴關係」，勾勒出雙方戰略合作 的路線圖，以共同發展印太區域的自由、開放、繁榮，以及確保印太海洋的交通線安全。不過，受限於國內共識與軍事實力不足，以及擔憂中共採取反制措施，短期內日印兩國不可..

This article examines the institutionalized development of diplomatic, economic, and defense cooperation between Japan and India since 2005, and whether or not both countries will move toward an alliance. To clarify further, Japan and India have disputes over territorial sovereignty with China, and China has actively expanded its military presence in the Indo-Pacific region. Thus, balancing China’s threats has become an important motive for Japan- India to develop strategic cooperation. Since September 2014, Japan and India have promo..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..