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搜尋結果 : 和"中國"有關的資料, 共有150筆
全球「自」理:在思想史脈絡中實踐負責任的大國角色
Global Governance through Self Governance: Placing the Responsible Major State in the Chinese History of Political Thoughts
石之瑜(Chih-Yu Shih)邵軒磊(Hsuan-Lei Shao)
51卷2期(2012/06/01)

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國,但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代,外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過,不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想,往往強調反躬自省,因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時,幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標,以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..

東海油氣田爭端的回顧與展望
Retrospect and Prospect on the Disputes of the East China Sea Oil and Gas Fields
呂建良(Chien-Liang Lu)
51卷2期(2012/06/01)

1960 年代末期,海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源,並且造成了周圍國家的震撼,臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是,後來為了避免國際紛爭,各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而,隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升,以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效,中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油,造成日本的強烈反應,雙方衝突不斷升級,值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因..

In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and g..

激進年代學者的中國研究─馬恩樂、馬克林、范乃思、王海、李歐梵
China Scholars of the Radical Years-Meisner, Mackerras, Van Ness, Heberer, and Lee
石之瑜(Chih-Yu Shih)廖國智(Kuo-Chih Liao)許韋婷(Wei-Tin Hsu)張毓純(Yu-Chun Chang)洪雅筠(Ya-Yun Hung)黃有彤(You-Tung Huang)
50卷3期(2011/09/01)

激進年代學者指 1960 年代成長,而今已為耆老的知識分子。1960 年代適逢中國發生文化大革命,美國與歐洲同時爆發學潮,影響了一代學者的養成,其中不乏後來成為中國研究的專家,散布各地。本文選擇性的比較不同背景的激進年代學者,包括從捍衛中國共產主義革命到捍衛馬克思主義的美國學者馬思樂 (Maurice Meisner : 馬克思主義)、在文革前已蒞臨中國從戲曲研究轉為少數民族研究的澳洲學者馬克林 (Colin Mackerras :戲曲與少數民族)、從借用中國反抗美國帝國主義到全面反對政..

In this paper, the radical years refer to the late 1960s and the early 1970s China scholars going through the radical years in the early stage of their career witnessed both the anti-war student movements in their society and the Cultural Revolution in China. This paper selects five China scholars of the radical years to compare their strategy of adjustment in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution and into the year of reform and openness in China. They include Maurice Meisner who used to take on China as a site to develop Marxism, Colin ..

國際貨幣權力理論的應用:中國匯率政策改變的原因分析
Application of the International Monetary Power Theory: Analyzing Policy Changes of the Chinese Foreign Exchange Rate
趙文志(Wen-Chih Chao)
50卷2期(2011/06/01)

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率,但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平,本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國,在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上,確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國,讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓,使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不,而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..

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