本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標，以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始，檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望，評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎，以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確，在具體議題上缺乏實質合作，因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」，雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對..

This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s ..

在解放軍發展反介入/區域拒止戰力的背景下，美國近期出現了「海空戰」作戰概念的倡議。此一作戰概念的內容堪稱完整而全面，也提出許多值得美軍採納的建議，但缺失也同樣明顯。其概念中的兩個作戰構想，深入中國大陸上空的空襲，與侵入第一島鏈之內的反潛作戰，都是執行困難且徒勞無功，更帶來沒有必要的升高風險，因而得不償失。其實，美國及其區域盟邦只要發展類似的反介入/區域拒止戰力，即可對解放軍可能的侵略與強制構成強大的抵抗力。  

People’s Liberation Army is developing its anti-access/area-denial capabilities to offset U.S. military presence in the West Pacific. In response, the operational concept of the “AirSea Battle” is currently being put forward in the United States. However, useful recommendations notwithstanding, both of its two core ideas - deep strike over Chinese mainland and anti- submarine warfare within first island chain - are difficult, futile, and contenting unnecessary risks of escalation. In fact, the United States ..

近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲，本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究，提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上，以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中，「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心，對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年，討論二戰結束後，日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..

Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..

1960 年代末期，海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源，並且造成了周圍國家的震撼，臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是，後來為了避免國際紛爭，各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而，隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升，以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效，中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油，造成日本的強烈反應，雙方衝突不斷升級，值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因..

In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and g..