本論文目的在於，針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構，探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家，經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊，在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國，對中國的主要出口產品同質性高，在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後，臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢，將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力，這對韓國的外貿而言，堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難..

The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneit..

激進年代學者指 1960 年代成長，而今已為耆老的知識分子。1960 年代適逢中國發生文化大革命，美國與歐洲同時爆發學潮，影響了一代學者的養成，其中不乏後來成為中國研究的專家，散布各地。本文選擇性的比較不同背景的激進年代學者，包括從捍衛中國共產主義革命到捍衛馬克思主義的美國學者馬思樂 (Maurice Meisner : 馬克思主義)、在文革前已蒞臨中國從戲曲研究轉為少數民族研究的澳洲學者馬克林 (Colin Mackerras :戲曲與少數民族)、從借用中國反抗美國帝國主義到全面反對政..

In this paper, the radical years refer to the late 1960s and the early 1970s China scholars going through the radical years in the early stage of their career witnessed both the anti-war student movements in their society and the Cultural Revolution in China. This paper selects five China scholars of the radical years to compare their strategy of adjustment in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution and into the year of reform and openness in China. They include Maurice Meisner who used to take on China as a site to develop Marxism, Colin ..

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..

近代日本思想界總是企圖避免採用會凸顯日本的概念，一方面是對日本身在世界面前缺乏信心，二方面是身在亞洲面前會引發鄰國的猜忌。然而，在日本無法整合亞洲，但又對歐美強權追求和平的誠意與能力感到不足的時候，以日本作為一種有別於西方的和平主義身分，並不會引起亞洲的反彈或西方的排斥。本文以下刻意違反日本思想史習慣而提出的日本主義，其內涵是繞過亞洲，直接以日本作為世界性的國家，貢獻於世界性的形成，並以日本是世界上最有資格談和平與中立的民族，來反思西方、亞洲乃至於中國所代表..

Modern history of Japanese thought always avoids the notion of “Japan” as thinkers do not consider Japan a valid identity to be presented to the world led by European civilizations. If Japan were to participate, it could only participate with confidence in the name of Asia. However, this Asia approach resulted in notorious expansionist war in history. After Cold War was over, Japan’s equal partnership in the world alongside European countries has appeared certain. On the other hand, Europeanness has not achi..

日本的世界觀核心──「亞洲學」(アジア研究，包括東洋學、東亞學等概念)作為日本近代發展的關鍵性思想，對於日本國族的建立起了關鍵性的作用。亞洲學從戰前對「中國學」的衍生物，戰後因為軍事色彩，亞洲學在日本中國學界中長期無聲，而現在卻是日本用以與世界對話的重要基礎概念。本文藉由對日本思想界中亞洲學所承載的觀念的研究，整理作為思想系譜的亞洲學歷史，用以說明戰後亞洲學呈現的特色以及與戰前亞洲學的不同。亞洲學的系譜有三點核心意識:作為日本民族自身的投射;作為日本藉以對..

Japan’s core weltanschauung, “Asian Studies”, as keywords in Japanese philosophy during recent development, has an instrumental effect on the establishment of the Nation of Japan. Asian Studies evolved from China Studies after the War. As the military did not have an influence on Japan’s China Studies after the War, it is now an important basis for Japan’s conversation with the rest of the world. This article intends to produce a genealogy of Japan’s Asian Studies to explore the characteris..