厚資料(thick data)這個名詞大約在 2013 到 2014 年間被創造出來。先在網路上流傳，後來出現在管理學的評論及期刊之中。一開始，這個詞的意思是強調「質化」方法的知識建構，多是從人類學的視角出發。但這並不新。其實，「厚」的核心內涵很早就在人類學中被運用，原稱叫作厚實描述(thick description)，因此，現在使用「厚資料」一詞者，不少是從「厚描述」或「厚敘事」(thick descriptions)的人類學民族誌研究方法(ethnog..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in meaning mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this article demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contributing to the tendency..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

投資在歐盟與中國經貿關係，扮演一項重要角色。2009年12月1日《里斯本條約》生效後，歐盟共同貿易政策已涵蓋投資，使歐盟取得投資政策與投資談判之專屬職權。歐盟於2011年成為中國第一大貿易夥伴，與中國建立全面戰略夥伴關係。歐盟因此積極推動與中國的雙邊投資協定談判，以單一聲音，提高談判地位，期待簽署一項全面性投資協定。中國乃歐盟第一個對外投資協定談判之對象，歐盟又採取高標準投資保障談判策略。歐盟與中國雙邊投資協定談判除了影響歐中經貿關係之外，也將形塑國際投資規..

Investment plays a key role in EU-China trade relations. Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect on December 1, 2009, the EU’s common commercial policy has extended to investment. Accordingly, the EU has exclusive compe- tence covering investment policy and its negotiation with third countries. Not to mention, the EU has become the main trading partner of China since 2011 because it identifies China as a strategic partner, as well as a targeting country with which to negotiate a high-standard bilateral investment agree..

自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..

Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..

本研究目的在於，從中國與北韓的國家利益角度，分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景，進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來，由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策，使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言，穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此，金正恩上台之後，繼承金正日的「先軍政治」，持續研發軍事科技，進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆，採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」，以凝聚國內團結，且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..