本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑,檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來,日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢,以此分析對政策發展的影響,並提供合適的解釋,來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分,針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次,則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次,進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場,並討論面臨的課題;最後,再以理論連結決策過程當中..
This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..
東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會,一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過,但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發,但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性,本文強調個別會員國的理性,因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角,但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑,但補充以較微觀的視角,主張東協成立東權會是東..
The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..
英國脫離歐盟的公投意外地以過半(52%)比例通過,此舉不僅會重塑英國在世界上的位置,亦將深遠和持續影響其國內政治與經濟發展。在經濟上,公投結果已造成英鎊匯率持續下跌、商業活動減少、投資下滑與就業機會消失,尤其嚴重衝擊英國金融業。失去歐盟會員資格的情況下,倫敦金融中心恐難再維持歐元交易中心的領導地位。在政治上,如何在主張脫歐的民意與要求留歐的蘇格蘭和北愛爾蘭兩者間取得平衡,成為主政者維持聯合王國完整的最迫切挑戰。本文認為,以 1985 格陵蘭脫離歐盟為例,一國..
The UK referendum on Brexit was passed unexpectedly by a 52% majority. This result will not only reshape the UK’s place in the world but also has profound and enduring impact on the UK politics and economy. Economically, the Brexit result has caused continuing devaluation of UK sterling and declines in contracts, investment and employment. The UK financial service sectors have been affected the most. It is difficult for the City of London to maintain its position as the leading financial center of the euro without the U..
半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型,而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向,對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索,讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題,是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式,並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..
Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..
本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型,檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示,大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的,都不是基於國際道義考量,但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主,目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已,更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之,美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異,肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。
In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..
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