本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家，以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現，對臺灣友邦來說，獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量，以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量，是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後，均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益，即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看，透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之..

This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economi..

美國如何操作外交政策訊號而使其政策意圖能夠被正確解讀呢?過去研究探討美國外交政策是否因「聽眾成本」大小而變得可信。但對於美國政府如何操作外交政策訊號卻未有系統性研究。本文介紹過去學界引用賽局理論所推演出的兩項假設。即在高賭注系列事件上，美國外交政策訊號呈現正反夾雜，混淆不一的現象。而在低賭注系列事件，美國政策訊號則呈現重複敘述，單調一致的現象。本文以美國在南海島礁爭議，以及其在 APEC 承諾的系列事件為例，試圖檢證上述兩項假設。本文發現就此兩系列案例，美國..

How does the U.S. manage its foreign policy signals to ensure its intentions are read correctly? Scholars have invoked the concept of ‘audience cost’ to explain credibility of leaders’ threats and policy signals. However, no systematic study has been undertaken on how the U.S. government manages its foreign policy signals. By employing two hypotheses developed by a scholar of signaling games, this paper attempts to examine how the U.S. manipulates policy signals to allow its intentions to be read correctly. ..

氣候變遷改變了全球氣候，也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融，改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益，以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源，紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交，意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止，三國的北極政策各自為政，甚至相互競爭，很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位，也易引起軍事緊張。事實上，三國在北極有共同的利益，這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..

Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.  

蒙古位於亞洲內陸，夾處於中、俄兩大強國之間的戰略位置，使其曾長期被兩大強鄰視為領土的邊疆(frontier)。隨著 1991 年蘇聯瓦解，使近代蒙古第一次擁有完整主權。此後，蒙古的對外政策定調為「不結盟、等距離、全方位」，在「第三鄰國」戰略操作及地理條件基礎下，以平衡為原則，執行外交策略。誠然，蒙古如何在兩大強鄰之間求取平衡的生存之道，建構出獨立與靈活的外交及經貿空間，是蒙古確保國家安全的一大課題，也是本文的研究目的。  ..

Mongolia, with its strategic location between China and Russia in the inner Asia, is seen by its powerful neighbors for hundreds of years as a frontier. In 1991, modern Mongolia obtained complete sovereignty for the first time after the disruption of USSR, Hereafter, its foreign policy was principled upon “independence, non-alignment, multi-pillars”. Under the “third neighbor” strategy, Mongolia uses the opportunities endowed from its geography to balance neighboring threats, ensure its national securi..