相對於泰國與馬來西亞，印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家，也有內需市場支撐，但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律，也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌，而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑，就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素，本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈，..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..

自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸，在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選，並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職，而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施，頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展，並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察，而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..

The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..

本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應，將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結，揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中，領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色，及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的，政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時，利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器，引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果，來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過，從實存的歷史發展過程來看，這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..

This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..

人類安全的概念首次出現在聯合國開發計畫署(United Nations Development Programme, UNDP)於 1994 年出版的人類發展報告之中，自此 之後，人類安全與人類發展等概念廣為各國採用與學界討論。其中位於東南亞的泰國，於 1997 年遭受亞洲金融風暴的襲擊後，在泰皇蒲美蓬 (Bhumibol Adulyadej)的倡導之下，積極推動強調「以人民為主」(people- centered)的人類安全概念。雖然泰國在許多方面表現出對..

The concept of human security first appeared in the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) 1994 Human Development Report. According to the report, the scope of human security should be broadened to include seven issues: economic security, food security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security and political security. Since then, concepts of human security and human development are widely adopted and implemented by states and commonly discussed in the academic world. Thailand ac..

中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..