作為對資料導向研究的反思與補充，強調意義開發的厚資料研究途徑於2013年被提出，國內外的相關研究至今仍在探索階段。本文以中國研究中的政治經濟議題作為例子，展示如何以厚資料研究途徑突破與研究對象相關之數據失真的問題。本文主張有意義的數據資料使用是立基於相關行動者的辨認之上，研究者必須能夠釐清兩個問題:形成數據資料趨勢的相關行動者是誰，以及相關行動者的利益與行為動機結構為何。後者將促使研究者將行動者行為之所以產生的脈絡帶入分析中，以此瞭解人類從事該行為的意義。 ..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in mean- ing mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this ar- ticle demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contribut..

厚資料(thick data)這個名詞大約在 2013 到 2014 年間被創造出來。先在網路上流傳，後來出現在管理學的評論及期刊之中。一開始，這個詞的意思是強調「質化」方法的知識建構，多是從人類學的視角出發。但這並不新。其實，「厚」的核心內涵很早就在人類學中被運用，原稱叫作厚實描述(thick description)，因此，現在使用「厚資料」一詞者，不少是從「厚描述」或「厚敘事」(thick descriptions)的人類學民族誌研究方法(ethnog..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in meaning mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this article demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contributing to the tendency..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

投資在歐盟與中國經貿關係，扮演一項重要角色。2009年12月1日《里斯本條約》生效後，歐盟共同貿易政策已涵蓋投資，使歐盟取得投資政策與投資談判之專屬職權。歐盟於2011年成為中國第一大貿易夥伴，與中國建立全面戰略夥伴關係。歐盟因此積極推動與中國的雙邊投資協定談判，以單一聲音，提高談判地位，期待簽署一項全面性投資協定。中國乃歐盟第一個對外投資協定談判之對象，歐盟又採取高標準投資保障談判策略。歐盟與中國雙邊投資協定談判除了影響歐中經貿關係之外，也將形塑國際投資規..

Investment plays a key role in EU-China trade relations. Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect on December 1, 2009, the EU’s common commercial policy has extended to investment. Accordingly, the EU has exclusive compe- tence covering investment policy and its negotiation with third countries. Not to mention, the EU has become the main trading partner of China since 2011 because it identifies China as a strategic partner, as well as a targeting country with which to negotiate a high-standard bilateral investment agree..

自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..

Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..