現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注，尤其1990年代以後，日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化，因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而，過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究，故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流，故為了理解現代日本的保守主義，政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此，本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架，並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維，重視從「保守的」角度進行思..

The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

我國身為遠洋漁捕大國，但受限於國家身分不被聯合國及大多數國家承認，無法參與或加入大多數的國際組織，包括區域漁業管理組織在內。為此，「1995年聯合國魚群協定」遂創造了「漁捕實體」一詞，為我國開啟參與國際組織的一個機會之窗。雖是如此，我國以「漁捕實體」之身分參與區域漁業管理組織所適用之程序及享有之權利，在不同組織與不同時期均有所差異。在早期中西太平洋漁業委員會(WCPFC)及美洲熱帶鮪類委員會(IATTC)中，「漁捕實體」所適用之程序及享有之權利幾乎與國家之「..

As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of internat..

克赤海峽為連接黑海與亞速海(Sea of Azov)的唯一通道，海峽通行權不管是對俄羅斯或烏克蘭或第三國都不曾發生重大問題，隨著2014年俄羅斯兼併克里米亞半島，2015年俄羅斯重啟克里米亞大橋建設後才衍生出通行權問題。然反觀臺灣海峽為連接東海與南海的海上交通要道，近來每當美國及他國軍艦通過臺灣海峽時，中國大陸軍艦即尾隨或驅離，對海峽通行權造成若干程度的影響，也提高了發生擦槍走火的可能性。2018年11月25日克赤海峽所發生的衝突事件對臺灣海峽通行權問題的啟..

The Kerch Strait connecting the Sea of Azov to the Black Sea is the only route in and out of the Sea of Azov. Passages through the strait had been free of major issues until 2014 when Russia occupied Crimea, pushing out Ukraine; thereby controlling both sides of the strait and began quickly constructing a bridge spanning the strait. In East Asia, there is the Taiwan Strait that connects the East China Sea to the South China Sea. Unlike the Kerch Strait, the Strait of Taiwan is a significant international sea route. Recently U..

拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..