本文初探各國社會資本、政體與新冠肺炎疫苗接種普及率與進度的關聯性。筆者關注社會資本的不同要素是否有助於各國推行疫苗接種；此外，社會資本能否作為解釋政體在疫苗接種差異的來源，特別是民主、非民主國家的區隔。本研究建置涵蓋世界價值觀調查、自由之家與疫苗接種資訊的87個國家資料庫進行實證分析。分析結果顯示制度信心如預期地對疫苗接種普及率有顯著正向效應；規範認知則對疫苗接種達標風險率有顯著負向影響，與社會資本的理論相悖。其次，不論疫苗接種普及率與達標風險率的分析，都顯示社會資本能作為解釋政體與疫苗..

This paper explores why some countries share higher COVID-19 vaccinations than others. The author addresses how social capital and regime types are associated with the rate and speed of vaccination in countries. It is argued that elements of social capital are not only able to promote the vaccinations, but also be one of mediating factors that account for the differences between types of political regimes in vaccination. Country data on social capital and political regimes is linked to data on COVID-19 vaccinations in 87 countries (includin..

臺灣是事實上的(de facto)獨立國家，然而其法理上的(de jure)獨立地位在中國打壓之下並不被國際廣泛承認。長久以來，臺灣藉由援助邦交國來換取外交承認，形成「建交導向」的援外政策;然而過去十多年來，在論述上、制度上和實踐上出現一系列改革，呼應美歐澳日等理念相近國家的價值，也就是經濟合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)的國際援助典則。本文主張這是從「建交導向」延伸..

Taiwan is a de facto independent country, but its de jure independence status is not widely recognized by the international society under the suppression of China. In the past, Taiwan used aid to exchange diplomatic recognition from its aid recipient countries, forming an “aid for diplomacy” aid policy. However, since the late 2000s, Taiwan’s aid policy has undergone a series of reforms regarding discourses, legal frameworks, and practices. Such reform applied the international aid regime established by like..

臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心，對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下，了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願，與國家安全息息相關。然而，如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異，在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為，民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時，過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊，因此從軍經驗的好壞，理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向，包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況，並於2..

What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..

現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注，尤其1990年代以後，日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化，因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而，過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究，故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流，故為了理解現代日本的保守主義，政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此，本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架，並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維，重視從「保守的」角度進行思..

The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..