近 400 年來的歐洲，是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」，以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞，則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」，是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看，「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治，骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算，中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望，不得不臣服。但是，從建構主義式的觀點來看，之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序，並不只是因為中國的強大，也是因為區域國家認同中國的..

For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemon..

東南亞在亞太政經體系中的重要性逐日提升，從而使得主要大國持續策畫新區域戰略，積極布局東南亞國家及社會，藉以強化自身的影響力。臺灣在 2016 年再次經歷政黨輪替，蔡英文總統啟動新南向政策作為建立臺灣與周邊區域全面連結的新戰略。新南向政策設定「以人為本」的主軸，除了重 新建構臺灣的區域定位，亦在經貿合作、人才交流、資源共享與區域鏈結等四個面向深耕臺灣與新南向區域、國家及社會的協力關係。本研究分別從制度與網絡兩個軸線分析新南向政策的進展:首先，在制度軸線方面，本..

The strategic importance of Southeast Asia is increasingly weighted in recent years among Asia-Pacific major powers and Taiwan. Since 2016, as Taiwan experienced another power transition, President Tsai Ing-Wen initiated the New Southbound Policy as her flagship strategy to link up Taiwan with neighboring countries. A people-centered rationale of the New Southbound Policy aims at reconstructing Taiwan’s regional identity, deepening its relation with regional countries and contributing to local societies. This paper disc..

本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑，檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來，日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢，以此分析對政策發展的影響，並提供合適的解釋，來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分，針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次，則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次，進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場，並討論面臨的課題;最後，再以理論連結決策過程當中..

This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..

東協各國政府廣泛地認為，南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國，因此，東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」，而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊，印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協，如何回應南海緊張局勢的..

The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..

本文透過評估群眾對民主鞏固概念的認知程度，探討臺灣與東亞民主國家其人民如何形塑民主鞏固的價值體系，並比較各國之間的差異性，同時討論影響臺灣民主體制評價較低的主要原因為何。本文以影響因素的不一致性，來解釋臺灣民主評價指標表現不佳的情況，並進行臺灣與其他東亞國家的比較，針對影響壹灣民主鞏固的政治與經濟因素作用是否與其他東亞國家有所不同進行分析。在研究方法上，本文運用分量迴歸分析各國政體表現對民主鞏固評價的影響性，是否隨民主鞏固程度而有所改變，進而分析影響臺灣與東亞各國民主評價的主要因素為經濟..

Based on the evaluation of the public's degree of cognition toward the concept of democratic consolidation, this study aims to explore how the value system of democratic consolidation was shaped by the citizens of Taiwan and other countries in East Asia and compare the differences among them. This study conducts the empirical tests using the Quantile Regression Model and analyzes the impact of the sampled governments' performance on the assessment of democratic consolidation and that whether such an impact will change with the degre..