Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述,但欠缺具體操作指標,學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力,提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力,轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度,共三項具體指標,指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國,說明美國對中國有貨幣權力,但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國,但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力,顯然..
Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..
民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中大勝,取代自民黨執政,然而也在 3 年後的選舉中大敗而結束政權。「民主黨政權為何失敗?」成為研究現代日本政治變動的新題材。既有的研究主要從政治主導的失敗、首相領導權的不足,以及政權公約的挫折來分析,本文則從「分立國會」的新觀點來分析,論述在「分立國會」架構下,參議院如何透過「特例公債法案」的審查,來影響民主黨政權的重要政策與政權運作。 本文研究結果發現,以往被視為眾議院輔助角色的參議院,其影響力已經不..
The Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)won a landslide victory in the election of House of Representatives in 2009, replacing the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)as the ruling party, but abruptly terminated due to an overwhelming defeat in another election three years later. Why did the DPJ fail? This question has become a striking issue of modern political science in Japan. Existing studies mainly focus on perspectives such as defeat of political dominance, inadequacy of prime minister’s leadership, or failure of Manifesto. Th..
日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度,都是在內閣層級設立新的組織,移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣,希望透過改變編列預算的方式,來提高首相與內閣領導力,並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議,後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期,透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式,也成功地刪減財政支出,以及民主黨執政初期,行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定,國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標,..
The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..
近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力,這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過,相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現,較少側重於理論化的探討。就此,本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷,試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結,並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時,藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗,本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..
Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..
近年臺灣學界常有對「中國研究」方法與議程的改進呼聲,本文試圖介紹日本國關學界的中國研究,提供本土中國研究及發展之參考點。本文主要 討論「中國研究」在學科定位與學科史上,以什麼樣的方式演變?而在日本國際關係的主要社群中,「中國研究議程」呈現什麼樣的特色?本文以「日本國際政治學會」所編輯刊物國際政治為核心,對其中的中國研究相關論文加以分析並歸類。時間範圍是 1957-2008 年,討論二戰結束後,日本國際政治學界對於中國的研究方法、研究觀點、主要研究成果之系譜。..
Currently, there has been an increasing voice to reconsider the methodology and agenda of “China studies” within the Taiwanese academic community. With this respect, this paper introduces the China studies achieved by the Japanese academic community to support the developmental basis of China studies in Taiwan. Two questions lead the argument in this paper:(1)what is the transformation of the contemporary China studies in the Japanese international relations(IR)community? and(2)what characteristics are presented f..
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