近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係，進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅，由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展，中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外，既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起，中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵，轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此，本文結合新..

In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia r..

本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響，並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應，而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答，則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式，將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定，意指小國在其對外行為上，主動將大國之國家利益納入考量，不做出..

This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..

過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..

Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..

橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律，不僅未因世局變遷而消弭，今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入，解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外，亦對其進行中長期預測，希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑，推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點，讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻，從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例，並作為層次分析學理的補..

Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..