霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

美中貿易戰宣告了兩國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開，2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而，美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎？世界各國真的會各自歸隊，在美國與中國之間擇一而處，形成兩極對立的局勢嗎？還是口頭上與行為上有差異，仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題，比較疫情前後，國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為，新冷戰的局勢下，美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免，但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極..

The U.S.-China trade war indicates a confrontation between the U.S. and China, and the pandemic problem since 2019 deteriorates the confrontation. However, will political polarization due to the new cold war between the U.S. and China lead to economic polarization? Do countries in the whole world choose their own sides between the U.S. and China, establishing two blocs and competing? Or countries in the whole world behave inconsistently in terms of verbal promises and practical actions. National interest is still their benchmark to have sub..

本文的主要目的在瞭解台灣學者如何研究中國的多邊外交，研究成果展現了哪些特色，以及與國際學術界研究此一議題的連結。有關台灣學者研究成果收錄的範疇，則主要以2012年之後的著作為主。本文首先就中國官方及學術界，以及國際學術社群，針對中國多邊外交概念及理論架構的研究，以及政策與執行層面的分析，作一整理爬梳。接下來則探討台灣學者對中國多邊外交的總體性研究，作出了何種貢獻，其與國際關係中多邊外交分析傳統的關聯性如何。此外，本文也針對中國多邊外交的個案，探討台灣學者研究成果與國際學術界研究取向之異同..

The purposes of this study are to understand the approaches adopted by the Taiwanese scholars to research on China’s multilateral diplomacy, major characteristics of research results, and the linkages with the international academic society. The scope of analysis is limited to research publications after 2012. This paper first explores major theoretical concepts adopted by international and mainland Chinese academics on China’s multilateral diplomacy, followed by the analysis of research outputs on policy implementation and prac..

本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..

This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時，避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為，中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交，透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持，進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國，在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為，除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化，短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..