本研究主要探索新冠疫情對中國一帶一路的影響，並進一步分析中國 對東南亞國家的防疫外交。本文分為四個部分，第一部份是為前言，說明 研究旨趣與架構，並就與本研究旨趣相關之文獻進行回顧；第二部分聚焦 於疫情爆發之的合作實踐。然而，這兩個特徵放在與東協國家具體互動中確實也出現若 干問題；本研究除了進一步探索之，並試圖提供解釋，且於結語處提出六 項研究發現。後，論及疫情衝擊一帶一路的國際輿論與觀點。再者，本文 於第三部分延續檢視疫情期間中國對鄰近區域（東南亞國家）的防疫外交 工作是否符合中國整體外..

This study mainly explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and further analyzes China’s pandemic prevention diplomacy (PPD) towards Southeast Asian countries. This study i neighboring countries mainly responded to the long-existing strategic priority of China’s foreign policy guidelines, that is, to prioritize the neighbors as the f irst principle, while the second to implement collaboration in accordance to the differentiated relationships among partner countries. However, im..

不論從當前的理論或是實務發展來看，中國在2010年以來的對外主要 作為均以其一帶一路倡議以及亞洲基礎設施投資銀行作為分析要點，而美 國的對應則聚焦在歐巴馬總統開始，並在川普與拜登時期成熟的印太戰略 上。學界與政策界對兩國互動的研析，不外乎是基於這樣的戰略架構討 論。不過，中國如何在近年發展之中逐漸形成一套在亞洲地區的策略，用 以應對美國及其盟友的印太戰略，目前並沒有一套較完整的架構解析。本 文認為，雖然在政策偏向、對外原則以及價值觀等面向，中國並沒有採用 美國及其盟國所主張的「印太戰略」..

From either theory or practice, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) have been identified as two major foreign behaviors of China. To respond, the United States adopts the Indo Pacific Strategy which started in the Obama administration and developed in Trump and Biden administrations. Though scholars and policy practitioners apply the aforementioned strategies to analyze US-China relations, the understanding of China’s strategy in Asia is still underdeveloped. This paper argues that while ..

隨著拜登政府（Biden Administration）對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁，美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標，導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此，本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發，建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現，儘管中國已成為科技強國之一，但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..

As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機，國際關係理論的三大典範：現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態，理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深，以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性，但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化，美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言，隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加，研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..

對於強權並存且有爆發戰爭可能性的國際格局，戰爭由誰引發在學界的論點迥異。權力轉移理論認為崛起國基於不滿現狀，會對主導強權發起戰爭；另有聲音則認為衰退的國家基於預防性動機，會對崛起的對手採取行動；然而，權力轉移理論與預防性動機的論述，主要關注於戰爭的發動，此觀點反映一種以「戰爭」進行解析的框架，即探討國與國之間是否會發生戰爭。本研究則以另一個「非戰爭的攻防」的分析框架，論述主導強權與崛起國之間在兵戎之外的攻防行動。本文以美國在2022年施行的晶片與科學法案為例，論述美國對中國採行的非戰爭預..

In the international arena where powerful nations coexist, and the possibility of war exists, there are differing opinions on who triggers wars. Power transition theory suggests that a rising power will initiate war against a dominant power out of dissatisfaction with the status quo. Other argue that the declining state is motivated by preventive motivation to take action against rising adversary. However, both the power transition theory and the preventive motivation argument primarily focus on the initiation of war. This perspective refle..