本研究目的在於，從中國與北韓的國家利益角度，分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景，進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來，由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策，使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言，穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此，金正恩上台之後，繼承金正日的「先軍政治」，持續研發軍事科技，進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆，採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」，以凝聚國內團結，且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

過去多年間，中國在網路科技領域取得了突出的建設成果，成為當代國際網路事務要角。北京當局近期更提出「網路強國」戰略，試圖全面強化國家網路實力。中國在網路領域的進取，不僅對美國的固有優勢構成挑戰，也助長了美國政府對其戰略意圖的疑慮，從而增添雙邊關係的不穩定性。為瞭解中國網路建設藍圖與對美政策立場，本文審視了「網路強國」戰略的主要內容，及美國因素在其間的影響;同時透過國際關係研究中的「避險戰略」 探討中國對美網路互動態樣，說明中國政府如何在網路事務中，同步推動對美..

China has made huge advances in the field of cyber technology in the past few years and it is now an important player in international cyber affairs. Beijing recently introduced its ‘Cyber Power Strategy’ in a bid to comprehensively strengthen the nation’s cyber capabilities. China’s cyber ambitions not only constitute a real challenge to the U.S. but have also prompted concerns in Washington about China’s strategic purpose and have more uncertainty to their already unstable bilateral relations. ..

2014 年 2 月爆發的烏克蘭危機是歐洲當前最嚴肅的區域安全挑戰，這不僅是因為烏克蘭危機使得歐洲再度出現區域衝突情勢，同時也因列強介入而使得地緣競爭強度漸趨激烈。學界多探討烏克蘭危機及其背後的歐洲地緣競爭意涵，然較少從烏克蘭內部安全策略選擇的角度分析，本文嘗試補充此等觀點，從內部因素出發，分析烏克蘭內部政治如何影響區域危機的發生。 本文認為:第一，烏克蘭受制於強權競爭，使烏克蘭與其他中間地帶國家，都必須在左右強權互動格局下進行回應與策..

Ukraine is situated strategically between EU and Russia. The outbreak of the Euromaidan Revolution(February 2014)designates the advent of severe geopolitical competition in the European continent. Though it is crucial to understand this competition through the lens of great power rivalry, small and medium countries that exert certain leverages between great powers also warrant our attention. We argue that the domestic approach is suitable to explain the transformation of Ukraine’s security choices. We first develop an a..

在食品安全暨衛生這個議題領域中，消費者、業者、政府是三個最主要的行為者(actors)。理論上，當此三個行為者的地位在市場上處於均衡狀態，就算彼此偏好(preferences)不同，食安品質仍得以維持一定水準。惟業者多半在實際上享有資訊優勢，並藉由此種優勢地位在市場交易過程中取得主導性影響，致使政府經常與其靠攏或是消費者受其宰制。有趣的是，臺灣因近幾年接續爆發各式各類食安醜聞，於是政府開始頻繁地修正食安法規並積極地介入市場進行管理。這使得上述三個行為者在食安..

Consumers, the food industry, and the government are the main actors in the area of food safety and the embedded domain of public health. Theoretically, only by balancing power among the three actors will desired food safety be maintained, even though the three actors have different preferences. Nevertheless, the industry frequently plays the leading role in the market because of its superiority in information possession. Thus, the government usually leans toward collaborating with the industry, leaveing consumers under indus..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.