本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..

為什麼北韓與古巴的統治者可以經歷二十世紀末期的民主化與所謂「第三波民主」(Third Wave Democracy)的浪潮，化解內外壓力，屹立不搖?北韓與古巴的統治體系與制度運作有何特質，讓這兩國的統治者可以牢牢地鞏固政權，而且延續家族的統治?北韓與古巴未來的政治轉型有哪些變數或面向值得注意?為探討這些問題，本文檢視若干政體分類的要點與問題，以及「顏色革命」、「茉莉花革命」的論述，採用文獻探討與訪談法，比較北韓與古巴的政治領袖與領導階層、黨國體系、意識形態、..

Why have North Korea and Cuba been able to resist pressure posed by democratization at the end of the twentieth century and the Third Wave Democracy? What are the systemic and institutional characteristics of the North Korean and Cuban ruling structures? How have the systems consolidated political power for the ruling families and the ruling class? The author explores the aforementioned questions via documentary analyses and interviews. The author highlights similarities and differences between the two non-democratic and hybr..

近廿年來中俄關係已從友好的、建設性的成為戰略性的夥伴關係，進入中俄前所未有之友好高峰期。實際上，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係是中俄的權力分布共識與利益匯集於因應美國霸權的威脅，由於美國對外戰略牽動中、俄關係的發展，中俄雙邊互動也影響著大國權力平衡關係。中俄戰略協作夥伴關係的本質除了有關平衡美國霸權外，既有的雙邊共識與追求利益張力似正影響著雙邊關係的發展。隨著美國單極的鬆動與中國的崛起，中俄關係逐漸偏離傳統權力平衡的意涵，轉為更為複雜的「制度性平衡」。因此，本文結合新..

In the last two decades, China-Russia relations have turned from “friendly” and “constructive,” to “strategic partnership” and reached an unprecedented peak. Indeed, the nature of the China-Russia strategic partnership is based on the consensus of power distribution in East Asia, while facing threats from the United States hegemony and bilateral economic interdependence. The diplomatic strategy of the United States not only affects the development and bilateral interaction of China-Russia r..

蘇聯自 1922 年建立後，在主權的實踐上有兩重要的轉折點，一是 1922 年的建立，是透過條約的簽訂而組成。也就是 1922 年的蘇聯在本質上具有「邦聯」的性質。但是，隨著 1924 年蘇聯憲法的通過，「邦聯」的蘇聯轉換 成「聯邦」的蘇聯，原來俄羅斯聯邦、烏克蘭、白俄羅斯及外高加索聯邦四個共和國主權的安排，透過憲法架構下「自由退出權」的設計得到妥協。在這樣的架構下，蘇聯體制的變異性成為一個特殊的現象。這種變異性使蘇聯在聯合國創立之初，就出現「一國三席」的特..

During its establishment in 1922 and political transformation in 1924, the USSR transformed from a confederation to a federation through the Soviet Constitution in 1924. As a result, four sovereignties, including the original Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR, and the Transcaucasian SFSR, were entitled free exit rights as a compromise under the constitutional framework. This structure led to a unique phenomenon where one nation had three seats at the UN. While the USSR served as a permanent member in the U..

1965 年「解決國家與他國國民間投資爭端公約」創設國際投資爭端解決中心，建立以仲裁程序為主的投資人對地主國爭端解決機制，投資人無須仰賴母國行使外交保護權，得遂行投資人對地主國仲裁以落實國際投資條約之實體保障。惟對跨國投資之中小企業而言，鉅額仲裁費用形成仲裁利用途徑之障礙，不但妨礙中小企業投資保障實體權益之落實，更可能衝擊國際投資爭端解決機制去政治化之發展。國際投資仲裁程序費用，如仲裁機構規費，仲裁庭費用與法律服務費用，動輒達百萬美元以上。中小企業可能無力承..

The 1965 Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States (ICSID Convention) established the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) and affirmed the use of international arbitration as primary means for resolving disputes between foreign investors and host states. An aggrieved foreign investor no longer needs to rely upon its home state to invoke diplomatic protection once local remedies are exhausted in the host state, but could proceed with investor..