蘇聯自 1922 年建立後，在主權的實踐上有兩重要的轉折點，一是 1922 年的建立，是透過條約的簽訂而組成。也就是 1922 年的蘇聯在本質上具有「邦聯」的性質。但是，隨著 1924 年蘇聯憲法的通過，「邦聯」的蘇聯轉換 成「聯邦」的蘇聯，原來俄羅斯聯邦、烏克蘭、白俄羅斯及外高加索聯邦四個共和國主權的安排，透過憲法架構下「自由退出權」的設計得到妥協。在這樣的架構下，蘇聯體制的變異性成為一個特殊的現象。這種變異性使蘇聯在聯合國創立之初，就出現「一國三席」的特..

During its establishment in 1922 and political transformation in 1924, the USSR transformed from a confederation to a federation through the Soviet Constitution in 1924. As a result, four sovereignties, including the original Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the Byelorussian SSR, and the Transcaucasian SFSR, were entitled free exit rights as a compromise under the constitutional framework. This structure led to a unique phenomenon where one nation had three seats at the UN. While the USSR served as a permanent member in the U..

1965 年「解決國家與他國國民間投資爭端公約」創設國際投資爭端解決中心，建立以仲裁程序為主的投資人對地主國爭端解決機制，投資人無須仰賴母國行使外交保護權，得遂行投資人對地主國仲裁以落實國際投資條約之實體保障。惟對跨國投資之中小企業而言，鉅額仲裁費用形成仲裁利用途徑之障礙，不但妨礙中小企業投資保障實體權益之落實，更可能衝擊國際投資爭端解決機制去政治化之發展。國際投資仲裁程序費用，如仲裁機構規費，仲裁庭費用與法律服務費用，動輒達百萬美元以上。中小企業可能無力承..

The 1965 Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States (ICSID Convention) established the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) and affirmed the use of international arbitration as primary means for resolving disputes between foreign investors and host states. An aggrieved foreign investor no longer needs to rely upon its home state to invoke diplomatic protection once local remedies are exhausted in the host state, but could proceed with investor..

西元 2000 年以後，開發中地區的人權保障體系出現值得注意的新發展。在中東，建立區域性人權保障標準的努力，最初體現在 1990 年的《開羅伊斯蘭人權宣言》，而後則有阿拉伯國家聯盟先後兩次通過的《阿拉伯人權憲章》。從 2009 年開始，阿拉伯人權體系正式展開運作。本文的主要目的，在於追溯分析阿拉伯世界人權運動的發展歷程，並以《阿拉伯人權憲章》的文本為討論焦點，分析阿拉伯地區的人權觀點與國際人權理念的互動，並針對新建立的阿拉伯人權體系前景進行初步評估。 ..

The establishment of the Arab Human Rights Committee in 2009 signaled a new era of human rights protection in the Arab world. Given the tension between Islamic values and universal human rights and the relentless conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people, the Arab human rights mechanism would have been regarded as “mission impossible.” This article offers a pioneering investigation by reviewing the original and revised Arab Charters on Human rights. The analysis suggests that regional perspectives on huma..

東協各國政府廣泛地認為，南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國，因此，東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」，而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊，印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協，如何回應南海緊張局勢的..

The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..

傳統的研究智慧中，總統制和兩黨制的配套被認為是一個民主國家較容易運作的組合。主要的理由是兩黨制較不可能出現意識形態的極化，以及因為兩個政黨需要贏得中間位置的選票，其可以促成政黨之間較溫和及向心的競爭，因而有助於總統制的運作。然而，近年來，一些兩黨總統制國家發生嚴重的憲政危機，甚至促成民主衰退。為何這些兩黨總統制國家會走上民主衰退的道路，是本文所要探索的研究問題。首先，本文透過對於拉丁美洲兩黨總統制國家的個案分析發現，憲政結構的因素如總統和國會的權力抗衡會影響..

Past research argues that presidentialism and two-party systems are workable combinations that can facilitate democratic stability. The causal mechanisms are that ideological polarization is less possible to appear in a two-party system, that two parties needing to win votes from the center encourages moderation, and that the absence of the extremist parties and the centripetal nature of party competition favor democratic stability. However, in recent years, some presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America..