觀察歐盟統合，歐盟 2004 年東擴是一項重要事件，因為透過東擴，歐盟將原屬於共產集團的中東歐國家納入歐盟會員國，並將歐盟價值規範與制度運作融入了中東歐新會員國的政治、經濟與社會生活之中，這一項成就讓歐洲大陸的和平與穩定局面大步向前;歐盟東擴後，歐盟對外關係研究主軸擴散到歐盟與鄰近國家交往，以歐盟睦鄰政策作為主要政策工具。歐盟的基本假定是，如果歐盟東擴取得豐碩成果，歐盟應該繼續複製東擴經驗、以誘因方式繼續向東擴散歐盟的理念與制度。但實際觀察睦鄰政策推動過程，..

The studies of EU’s Incentive Policy in its eastern and southern area have gained prominence in the literature. These findings suggest that the top- down/ bottom-up norms diffusion and adaptive learning process are helpful for the spread of democratization in new member and acceding states. More recently, after the completion of EU’s eastern enlargement, increasing studies are expanded to Eastern European countries; Ukraine and other eastern partners become the focal points of methodological objectives. The advent..

過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中，認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素，在 2012 年的總統選舉中，認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素，是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點，討論臺灣認同的階段，提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立，到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭，而在兩岸恢復交流後，因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國)，進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段，臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..

Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..

大喜馬拉雅流域因全球暖化導致冰川消融，面臨河川水量下降與乾旱危機。因這些河川多係跨界，水資源匱乏引起各國間的緊張，其中尤以中共與印度兩大強權關係最受矚目。中印跨界河川源頭都在中共控制的西藏高原，中共「南水北調」工程及在布拉馬普特拉河上游築壩，讓印度深感威脅，在缺乏水資源合作及資訊分享機制下，兩國現實主義的傾向，進一步惡化既存緊張關係，也使兩國水戰爭陰影揮之不去。  

The glaciers melting of the Great Himalayan basin due to global warming has resulted in river water shortage and drought crises. As many rivers of the area are trans-boundary waters, water scarcity has aroused tension between countries. The relationships between the two powers – China and India – attract the most attention. As the sources of all shared rivers between the two countries lie on the Tibetan Plateau, which is under control of China, China’s South-to-North Water Diversion Project has thus posed si..

近年來，歐盟逐漸修正對外貿易政策轉向與第三國及區域組織談判簽署「區域貿易協定」的結盟方式。歐盟與中美洲自由貿易協定就是以「區域對區域」的方式推動而發展出「跨區域」與「區域間」主義的走向。這種跨區域與區域間關係的建構不僅在區域內部，同時在跨區域聯繫上呈現出制度化發展的趨勢。 文章嘗試從跨區域層次解讀歐盟與中美洲(包括哥斯大黎加、薩爾瓦多、瓜地馬拉、宏都拉斯、尼加拉瓜、巴拿馬 6 國)兩區域之間的政經互 動。文章架構分成六部分:除前言外，其..

The European Union has recently shifted to a trade policy that envisages a greater use of the Regional Trade Agreements(RTAs)with all partners. The EU is pursuing the RTAs with Central America through a pattern of “region to region” to form the basis of negotiations, which is implying a certain degree of inter-and trans-regionalism characteristics. The development of inter-and trans-regional relations reflects a general trend of institutionalization of relations not only within but also across regions. This articl..

本文主張新古典現實主義不宜再度檢視國內層次的眾多因素與變項，而應從實然的角度來思考國家如何評估威脅、國家如何選擇外交政策的類型。本文說明新古典現實主義並非為解決異例(anomaly)誕生，而是將非體系與理念因素納入體系理論的邏輯之中，也就是將國內層次因素解讀為決策者對壓力的反應類型，亦即決策者會評估並判斷應採取何種類型之外交政策。而根據決策者對國際壓力的知覺(perception)，以及對於國內政治的評估 (calculation)，本文整理出國家具有制衡、..

This article criticizes the inappropriateness of neoclassical realism in evaluating factors and variables at the domestic level. Instead, the manner of which states assess threats and choose types of foreign policy should be based on empirical methods. The authors explain that neoclassical realism is not a result of solving anomaly but that it combines non-structural and ideational factors into the logic of the system theory. Factors at the domestic level are supposed to be systematically categorized and simplified by types o..