1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後,「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是,像泰國這樣的東南亞國家,在劃定政治空間以後,卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶,中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱,而且,容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期,泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅,而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治,且主張統治的正當性,泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系,使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決,使得這種負面的刻板印象深植在泰國社會中。然而,隨著共產主義威脅的消褪,泰國政治邁向民主化發展,跨境區域經濟合作的興起,這些轉變對國家和高山民族的關係有何影響呢?本文認為,像泰國這樣的開發中國家, 因為市民社會尚未完全成熟,高山民族參與政治活動的機會仍遭受嚴重限制,即使官方展現出朝向多元文化主義發展的趨勢,因為支配國家的主體族群,仍掌握論述創造、政策制定及立法等相關權力,從而在國家和高山民族的關條上,依然占據著優勢的地位。
Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era, however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling, the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used by the Thai government to refer to the minority ethnic groups in Northern Thailand. Within the discourse of chao khao, there are several negative and stereotypical images towards minority ethnic groups, such as “forest destroyers",“migrants of the mountains",“opium producers", etc. Can the state exert control over the borderlands as globalization prevails since the early 1980s? This article examines the changing relations between the state and the minority ethnic groups in Thailand. We argue that even though the Thai government has recognized the politics of diversity, the state still has dominated the state- minority ethnic groups relations because the state authorized its power over discourse-constructing, policy-making, and law-making.
傳統的研究智慧中,總統制和兩黨制的配套被認為是一個民主國家較容易運作的組合。主要的理由是兩黨制較不可能出現意識形態的極化,以及因為兩個政黨需要贏得中間位置的選票,其可以促成政黨之間較溫和及向心的競爭,因而有助於總統制的運作。然而,近年來,一些兩黨總統制國家發生嚴重的憲政危機,甚至促成民主衰退。為何這些兩黨總統制國家會走上民主衰退的道路,是本文所要探索的研究問題。首先,本文透過對於拉丁美洲兩黨總統制國家的個案分析發現,憲政結構的因素如總統和國會的權力抗衡會影響..
Past research argues that presidentialism and two-party systems are workable combinations that can facilitate democratic stability. The causal mechanisms are that ideological polarization is less possible to appear in a two-party system, that two parties needing to win votes from the center encourages moderation, and that the absence of the extremist parties and the centripetal nature of party competition favor democratic stability. However, in recent years, some presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America..
中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰,1937~1945 年)時期,交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持,遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念,因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心,研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想,以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同,故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介,實行「抗日救國」的國..
During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..
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