中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰,1937~1945 年)時期,交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持,遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念,因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心,研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想,以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同,故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介,實行「抗日救國」的國族主義論述;與此對立,日本帝國宣傳「東亞共榮」之階層秩序,以現代型主權國家認同試圖取代傳統認同。此外,還有汪政府以亞洲主義為主軸,主張使用「亞洲民族」之觀念; 延安政府主要跟隨國府之國族主義,但亦提出扶植華僑獨立與解放殖民地的左翼政治主張。綜上所述,鑑於戰時對華僑的政治論述之多元性,乃是觀察東亞近現代政治論述與華僑國族認同之良好參考點。
During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using documents, reports and diplomatic files at that time. This article found that overseas Chinese basically accepted the traditional Chinese thought and were connected by kinship to be an identical group. The Choung-ching government emphasized on nationalism in order to appeal overseas Chinese to “Defend Japan, Save Nation”. On the other hand, Japan presented “Greater East Asia” to overseas Chinese to seek their corporation. The Nanking government adopted the viewpoint similar to Japan while promoting Sun Yet Sen’s “Great Asianism,” but the discourse was not complete. Finally, Mao’s discourse followed those of the Choung- ching government, while encouraging anti-colonization and independence with a leftist perspective. In conclusion, this study on multiple discourses on overseas Chinese may provide a historical reference in East Asian political studies.
受到 1980 年代起國際關係理論第三次大辯論的影響,政治地授學者與國際關係學者也將後設理論的爭論帶進地緣政治研究,後現代地緣政治或批判性地緣政治是運用後結構主義、後現代主義與批判理論作為其論述的哲學基礎。批判性地緣政治是質疑傳統地緣政治的本體論與知識論的前提假定,解構傳統地緣政治對世界政治的觀察,以及挑戰其以國家為中心的政治實踐。也就是解構傳統地緣政治的霸權論述,以及質疑在主要強國的地緣政治實踐所發現的權力關係。批判性地緣政治研究影響了地緣政治研究的方向與內涵,擴展了其研究議題,但要改..
Due to the influence of the third Great Debate on International Relations Theory in the 1980s, scholars in Geopolitics and International Relations have brought the debates of metatheory into geopolitical research. They have used Post structuralism, Postmodernism, and Critical Theory philosophical foundations to question traditional geopolitics about its ontological and epistemological assumptions, to destructure its perspectives on world politics, and to challenge its state-centered political practices. Therefore, they have been called the ..
針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係,對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策,試圖強化兩岸民間互動,促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流,自 2004 年以降,邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模,參與頗為熱絡,但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響,目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此,作者乃透過深度訪談,搭配以問卷分析,探討此類交流接觸經驗,能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現,參與此類活動後,台灣青年既有的刻板印象,產生相當顯著的變化,但若觸及深層..
To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.