傳統的研究智慧中,總統制和兩黨制的配套被認為是一個民主國家較容易運作的組合。主要的理由是兩黨制較不可能出現意識形態的極化,以及因為兩個政黨需要贏得中間位置的選票,其可以促成政黨之間較溫和及向心的競爭,因而有助於總統制的運作。然而,近年來,一些兩黨總統制國家發生嚴重的憲政危機,甚至促成民主衰退。為何這些兩黨總統制國家會走上民主衰退的道路,是本文所要探索的研究問題。首先,本文透過對於拉丁美洲兩黨總統制國家的個案分析發現,憲政結構的因素如總統和國會的權力抗衡會影響兩黨總統制運作的成功或是失敗。本文經由對哥斯大黎加以及 1993 年 之前的委內瑞拉的個案說明,弱權總統對強權國會的憲政結構,較能促進兩黨總統制民主的成功運作。其次,從 1993 年到 1999 年的委內瑞拉和哥倫比亞的例子說明,強權總統對強權國會的憲政結構,促成兩黨總統制國家出現嚴重的憲政危機和民主衰退。本文的分析說明了總統制和兩黨制配套的情形下,強權總統和強權國會之權力抗衡會導致民主衰退。
Past research argues that presidentialism and two-party systems are workable combinations that can facilitate democratic stability. The causal mechanisms are that ideological polarization is less possible to appear in a two-party system, that two parties needing to win votes from the center encourages moderation, and that the absence of the extremist parties and the centripetal nature of party competition favor democratic stability. However, in recent years, some presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America have suffered serious constitutional crises, thereby causing democratic decay. This paper aims to answer why these presidential countries with a two-party system have gone the way of democratic decay. After analyzing the cases of presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America, this paper shows that the constitutional structure, especially balancing between the president and congress, affects the success or failure of operation of presidential countries with a two-party system. First, presidentialism in Costa Rica and Venezuela(1961-1993)illustrate that the constitutional structure, weak president versus strong congress, facilitates democracy in these two countries. Second, presidentialism in Venezuela (1993-1999)and in Columbia present that the constitutional structure, strong president versus strong congress, brings about democratic decay. This paper argues that the success or failure of democratic operation in presidential countries with a two-party system depends on the balancing of inter-branch power.
本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下,對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現,產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為,由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同,所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知,在總統制下,因為權力完全分立,總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好,但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下,因為權力只有部分分立,國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段,所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中,..
This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..
半總統制的設計,通常有一民選的總統及民選產生的國會;在此體制下,由於總統與國會雙元選舉的實施,國會理論上比一般單元選舉的內閣制 要有更強的監督制衡力量。但這種體制下的國會是否具備優於內閣制的監督能量,則在文獻上甚少探討,也成為本研究的最初動機。本文試著比較兩個半總統制的國家-臺灣與法國,並從較傳統的制度面切入,來探究兩國在制度設計安排上,賦予國會的監督潛能為何。這裡的制度設計安排,主要包括憲法及相關法規中賦予國會、委員會及個別議員的權力和資源配備;以及目前國..
The so-called semi-presidentialism designs a system that popularly elects both the president and the parliament. Under the dual-election design, the parliament theoretically should own more check and balance power than a parliament that gives rise to the cabinet. However, whether the parliament under semi-presidentialism in practice is indeed equipped with more oversight capacity than that of a cabinet system’s parliament has been rarely studied in prior literature. This paper tries to study this theoretically inte..
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