Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..

當歐洲聯盟完成 2004 年和 2007 年東擴以後，烏克蘭、白俄羅斯與摩爾多瓦三國成為歐盟與俄羅斯權力競爭的緩衝地帶，此三國外交政策偏好與未來可能走向對歐洲地區未來整合具重要意義。從對外政策制訂過程來看，一國外交政策選擇除受外部環境影響外，內部改革因素不容忽視，尤其歐盟於後冷戰時期推動之擴張政策對周邊國家產生極為深遠之影響。基於此，本文將採取社會穩定、民主化與經濟依賴三要素做為分析架構，以社會穩定與否、民主化程度高低、對外經濟依賴程度三變項理解此三國外交政..

Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine occupy the focal point of political development in the European continent after the end of Cold War when European Union completed its eastern enlargement. The author argues that social stability, democratization and economic dependency are three major factors influencing Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine’s foreign policy choices. First, the more stable social order within the country, the likelier government may foster a more unified foreign policy. Second, the more democratic political process..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

行政改革是當前民主國家發展的趨勢，在追求績效、提升統治能力之際，行政改革有其必要性。日本以行政改革手段提升政治家的政策能力，特別是強化政治領導者首相的領導權作法，與 1980 年代以來進行政改革的國家相較，最為特殊且引人入勝。 對於日本行政改革的既有研究大致將焦點置於以下三點:一為從新自由主義的觀點，討論「小政府」的時代趨勢，二為中央省廳的大幅縮編以及衍生的效果與影響，三是討論首相輔佐機關的強化。然而卻少觸及強化政治家的政策能力，甚至是..

To build an efficient and active government, most democracies are practicing administration reform for their necessities and inevitabilities. Comparing with the democracies which reformed since 1980s, Japan is the most absorbing one that makes use of administration reform as a way of consolidation of prime minister's leadership. The current researches are focused on these three dimensions: first, the trend of “small government” from the neo-liberalism perspective; second, the effect of agencies redu..

2007 年初俄國新移民法生效後，俄屬遠東當地華商因而被迫離境，衝擊當地經濟甚鉅。俄羅斯自阻其急需人力資源的矛盾，惟有對黃禍的疑懼能作合理解釋。本文以為，俄屬遠東「黃禍論」實屬臆測誇大居多，乃係不同相關面向下產生的迷思。在俄國對外戰略因國際格局驟變而未定之際，「黃禍論」得以從中復萌，而遠東區與中央之間潛伏的疏離感亦同時觸發。此又強化當地的特殊性及經濟發展的區域遲疑，除讓地方與中央因視界歧異屢生扞格，亦造成中央整體戰略與地方區域發展間的認知衝突。在國際與國內結..

After the new immigration laws that came into force in the beginning of 2007, Chinese merchants in the Russian Far East were forced to leave, and local economy was significantly impacted as well. The fears of “Yellow Peril” obviously can explain such various paradoxes - Russia cut off its relationship with Chinese labor resource. This thesis contends that Russian Far East’s “Yellow Peril” is a gross exaggeration based on unfounded assumptions, and a myth emerged from several related dimensions. A..