本文旨在分析日本戰前藩閥與戰後自民黨派閥政治的關連，明瞭在歷史因素下政治寡頭者理念的傳承，且進一步影響現今政治的運作。以往有關派閥政治的研究，多數是以選區制度、權力均衡等觀點進行探討，然本文認為尚可由制度與歷史的因果關係，探究制度的動態與變遷、制度的柔軟性和限制性等要素說明。故本文取日本藩閥與派閥之例，認為兩者之間藉由近代政黨政治運作連結而起，對應政府體制轉變，成為民主政治理念的展現。本文發現近代日本藩閥政治與自民黨派閥的連續性上，存在有保守與改革派意識形態的對抗，藉由依賴路徑發展而來的..

This paper’s purpose is to analyze the relationship between the pre-war Hanbatsu politics and the post-war factional politics in Japan in order to understand the continued ideals of the political oligarchy and their effect on the operations of present politics. In terms of the studies on factional politics in Japan, most scholars use the viewpoints of the election system or the balance of power, etc. However, this paper tries to explore factional politics from the institutional and historical cause and effect viewpoint. To do so, this..

本文檢視2005年以降日印兩國建構在外交、經濟、與防衛等領域合作的制度化過程，是否意味著將邁向同盟關係發展。日印兩國與中共之間分別存在著領土主權爭議，再加上中共積極擴大在印太區域的軍事存在，平衡中共威脅成為日印發展戰略合作的重要動機。2014年9月，日印將兩國戰略合作關係提升為「特別戰略性全球夥伴關係」，勾勒出雙方戰略合作 的路線圖，以共同發展印太區域的自由、開放、繁榮，以及確保印太海洋的交通線安全。不過，受限於國內共識與軍事實力不足，以及擔憂中共採取反制措施，短期內日印兩國不可..

This article examines the institutionalized development of diplomatic, economic, and defense cooperation between Japan and India since 2005, and whether or not both countries will move toward an alliance. To clarify further, Japan and India have disputes over territorial sovereignty with China, and China has actively expanded its military presence in the Indo-Pacific region. Thus, balancing China’s threats has become an important motive for Japan- India to develop strategic cooperation. Since September 2014, Japan and India have promo..

在聯合國教育科學文化組織《保護水下文化遺產公約》(Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, CPUCH)之架構下，所謂 「保護」，意指現地保存(in situ)，以及無法現地保存時之陸上保存。通說認為，現地保存意味著將水下文化遺產留置在海底，避免商業開發或其他非必要之干擾;此即以保護為旨趣之首要考量，僅於遭遇萬不得已之情況下，且經正當程序，認定確有打撈水下文化遺產之必要，方得捨棄現地保存選項，退而尋..

Within the framework of the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH), the first option for the protection of underwater cultural heritage (UCH) is ‘in situ preservation,” which means UCH ought to be left on the sea floor. Shipwreck recovery activities are necessary if and only if the competent authorities require them to happen. While multiple policy instruments are used to achieve the in situ preservation, economic instruments are rarely applied. This paper starts with a short ..

近年來，金融科技的興起帶來創新的金融服務並衝擊現有的監理方式。有些國家採取觀望的策略；有些國家則採取修改法律、推出新的執照制度甚或實驗型的監理模式。自2015年英國提出金融監理沙盒（Regulatory Sandbox）制度以來，許多國家陸續跟進，以監理沙盒實驗作為探索風險、重思監理疆界，並協助金融創新落地發展的措施。監理沙盒堪稱近年來擴散速度最快、影響最為深遠的一種新興金融監理制度。本文探究導致各國相繼採行金融監理沙盒制度的原因，並找出該制度在各國擴散的主要影響因子。藉由量化分析，本研..

In recent years, the rise of Fintech has introduced innovative financial services and has brought a significant impact on the existing financial regulatory frameworks. Financial regulators in different countries deal with the challenges in different ways: some adopt a “wait and see” strategy, in which they do not enact new regulatory institutions. Some countries take a more active approach through revision of laws, issuing new licenses, and adopting an experimental regulatory mechanism. Since the United Kingdom announced the fin..

本文探討半總統制下的立法課責，以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道，而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現，總理總統制的法國，國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣，運作則較偏總統制，因而在傳統印象上，多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責，臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。   本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求，比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..

This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..