2015 年 11 月，緬甸舉行國會大選，由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月，由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw)，順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝，並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後，碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單，也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點，並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排，分析其欲展現的政治目標，以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..

In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..

半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型，而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向，對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索，讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題，是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式，並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..

Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..

Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述，但欠缺具體操作指標，學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力，提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力，轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度，共三項具體指標，指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國，說明美國對中國有貨幣權力，但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國，但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力，顯然..

Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..

「新功能主義」(Neo-Functionalism, NF)是研究區域統合(integration) 最常被討論的論述之一，不過近年來新功能主義在內容上已有了很大的轉化:外溢效果(spill-overeffect)不再被視作統合的唯一自變項，而統合也只是「暫時」的依變項，不再是一項必定的結果。 哈斯(Ernst Haas)在新世紀即對其近 50 年前所提之新功能主義提出評論，獲學界高度矚目，頗值關心此議題及關心兩岸發展的人士注意;本文藉..

Neo-functionalism(NF)is one of the most argumentative theories for dealing with issues of regional integration. Supporters of NF argue that when the spillover effectis created through the process of functional integration, separate entities can construct political systems compatible with each other. Nevertheless, NF, especially that proposed by Ernst Hass, has changed since it was contested by scholars and testified in the literature. Nowadays, it is not valid to argue that the spillover effect can create integration automati..