「習近平之發言作為」成為觀察中共政治情勢的核心指標，其個人思想也成為中共政治的重要動力。本研究試圖回答：「習近平意識形態體系特徵與其思想時序變化」，特別是與毛主義的關係。本研究之方法為「計算政治學／計算中國研究」，使用計算機為核心來探索人力難以發現的部分。具體而言，蒐集「習近平系列重要講話資料庫」中之講話文本，作為分析語料。使用程式技術如文字探勘（text mining）、自然語言處理（natural language processing）與深度學習（deep learning）演算法..

Xi Jinping’s activities have become the core focus of the CCP’s political landscape, and his ideology has emerged as a significant driving force in Chinese politics. This study aims to answer the question: “What are the characteristics of Xi Jinping’s ideological system and its chronological evolution?” particularly in relation to Maoism. The methodology of this research is rooted in “computational politics/computational Chinese studies,” utilizing computational methods to explore aspects that are d..

本文基於一國憲政體制類型會影響政府在COVID-19疫情時運作的方式，嘗試探討台灣半總統制政府如何回應疫情。研究焦點放在中央政府層次，探討總統、行政院院長、疫情指揮中心（指揮官）以及國會等部門的運作，並考量一致性政府和總統兼黨主席等因素的影響。研究發現，在總統權力優勢的半總統制下，蔡英文總統在處理疫情上的角色是多重的，藉由總統和黨主席雙重身份，她既是主要政策決定者，也同時介入政策執行的督導和措施的指示。相對而言，行政院院長暨其領導的相關部會仍是因應疫情的行政主體，不過因疫情指揮中心和指揮..

Based on the fact that the type of government system will affect the way the government operates during the COVID-19 epidemic, this article attempts to explore how Taiwan’s semi-presidential government handled the epidemic. The focus of the study is on the central government level, exploring the operations of the president, the president of the Executive Yuan, the epidemic command center (commander), and Congress, and considering the impact of factors such as unified government and the fact that the president is the chairman of a poli..

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機，國際關係理論的三大典範：現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態，理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深，以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性，但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化，美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言，隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加，研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..

對於強權並存且有爆發戰爭可能性的國際格局，戰爭由誰引發在學界的論點迥異。權力轉移理論認為崛起國基於不滿現狀，會對主導強權發起戰爭；另有聲音則認為衰退的國家基於預防性動機，會對崛起的對手採取行動；然而，權力轉移理論與預防性動機的論述，主要關注於戰爭的發動，此觀點反映一種以「戰爭」進行解析的框架，即探討國與國之間是否會發生戰爭。本研究則以另一個「非戰爭的攻防」的分析框架，論述主導強權與崛起國之間在兵戎之外的攻防行動。本文以美國在2022年施行的晶片與科學法案為例，論述美國對中國採行的非戰爭預..

In the international arena where powerful nations coexist, and the possibility of war exists, there are differing opinions on who triggers wars. Power transition theory suggests that a rising power will initiate war against a dominant power out of dissatisfaction with the status quo. Other argue that the declining state is motivated by preventive motivation to take action against rising adversary. However, both the power transition theory and the preventive motivation argument primarily focus on the initiation of war. This perspective refle..

隨著國際社會議題的多樣與複雜，解決各種國際議題不再單靠各國政府，加上民間團體的行為者崛起，政府如何與其互動與合作，共同解決受援國長期發展的結構性問題，則顯得越來越重要。理論上，NGO與政府之間若能有清楚分工及相互接受其角色，應可以建立一種相互增強的關係。但實際觀察卻發現，由於NGO的理想性高，加上若經費自主，就容易與政府保持距離並保持警戒，故雙方在國際援助議題上未必形成協力關係，甚至可能產生對立。     研究發現，以日本為例，影響該國NGO與政府協..

With the diversity and complexity of international issues, resolving international issues no longer rely on individual government entity. As civil society raises, how government cooperates with the civil society to resolve long-term constructive international problems has become more and more important. Theoretically, should non-governmental organizations (NGO) and the government have clear work scope and accept their roles, a mutual enhanced relationship can be built. However, NGOs are ideal in reality. And with self-sustained budget, NGOs..