日本於2000年實施長照制度，服務的提供幾乎以營利的私部門為主，公部門和非營利組織所占比例有限，形成「以私為主，以公為輔」的服務供給模式。然而，如是的改變能否發揮公私「相互支應」的功能？在公私版圖大移轉的情況下，公私部門之間的關係有何轉變，又產生哪些問題？這些都是本文所欲探究的問題。 研究發現，日本照護服務的供給確實發揮公私相互支應的功能，在政府全國一致的價格管制下，雖然供給主體也有所不同，但因藉由準公共機關來彌補吸脂效應所產生的缺失，故能使基本照護服務勉強取得平衡，現階段服務供..

Japan adopted the long-term care insurance in 2000, with the majority of the services provided by the private sector, and a limited proportion provided by the public sector and non-profit organizations. The services therefore is mainly provided by the private sector and supplemented by the public sector. However, would this change be able to facilitate mutual support among the public and private sector? What kind of relationship change and issues would occur under the public-private transition? These are the questions that would be discusse..

學界對於民粹主義如何適當地概念化仍有諸多異見，同時關於普丁主義及其是否為民粹主義也面臨爭議。本文的研究目的不是繼續爭議普丁是否為民粹主義者，而是從西方的民粹主義的基本定義中「人民」、「反菁英」、「普遍意志」三個要素出發，首先討論19世紀俄國民粹主義的發展及其本質，進而探討普丁民粹主義操作下的歷史繼承與變異。筆者認為19世紀的俄國的民粹主義運動與今天普丁主義的民粹操作已經截然不同，二者的連結只剩下從俄羅斯歷史發展中「分裂的特殊性」所發展出的「整合對立的救贖」─俄羅斯獨特發展道路的神話。在此..

There remains considerable disagreement in academic circles on how to conceptualize populism properly, and there is also ongoing debate about whether Putinism should be classified as a form of populism. The purpose of this research is not to continue to dispute whether Putin is a populist, but to start from the three elements of the basic def inition of populism in the West: “the people”, “counter-elites” and “general will”, first discuss 19 the development and essence of Russian populism in the century, ..

永續發展是近年國際社會共同關注與致力推動的重大議題，在世界貿易組織（WTO）成員國推動下，投資便捷化與發展協定（IFDA）草案於2024年第13屆部長會議（MC13）提出。IFDA的重點規範包括推動投資措施的便捷化與投資人遵循負責任的企業行（RBC），惟IFDA僅要求成員國鼓勵投資人自願採行RBC國際規範，欠缺具體獎勵誘因與制裁機制，成效存疑，作為推動永續發展的國際規範架構，顯有不足。本文認為應仿效WTO貿易便捷化協定（TFA）的授權營運商機制，於IFDA增訂永續投資人認證（RSI）制度..

Sustainable development has become a major issue for the international community in recent years. A great number of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Members proposed a draft of the Investment Facilitation and Development Agreement (IFDA) at the 13th Ministerial Conference (MC13) in 2024, but not accepted. IFDA’s key provisions include facilitating investment measures and encouraging investors to adhere to responsible business conduct (RBC). However, the IFDA only encourages ‘voluntary adoption’ of international RBC norms..

本研究探索造成《歐盟—越南自由貿易協定》（EUVFTA）和《歐盟—中國全面投資協定》（EU-China CAI）不同結果的影響因素。歐越自貿協定及歐中投資協定皆將永續發展及勞工權利等貿易永續願景納入歐盟貿易政策，亦即兩者皆為歐盟所謂的新世代經貿協定。然而在實務上，兩項協定命運卻有很大的差異。本研究透過現實主義、自由主義和社會建構主義三大國際關係主流理論，探索影響兩個協定發展的戰略、制度和意識形態因素。本文認為，儘管理念上的規範性力量有其重要性，但戰略夥伴關係、既存..

This thesis investigates the differing results of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EUVFTA) and the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Both agreements are designed to embed sustainability and labor rights within the EU’s trade policies. By applying realism, liberalism, and social constructivism, the study examines the strategic, institutional, and ideological elements that impact these agreements. It is posited that although normative power is essential, practical factors concerning strategic partnerships, instit..

在科技快速發展的時代，數位領域已成為地緣政治競爭的核心，重塑全球治理、安全與經濟格局。美中日益激烈的科技競爭正在加速全球數位秩序的分化，其核心問題在於全球網路治理規範的分歧，反映出不同價值觀與政策優先事項的對立。在此背景下，印太地區憑藉其經濟潛力與科技創新能力，成為推動數位轉型與治理的關鍵戰場。 除了美中競爭，歐盟（EU）作為全球規範性權力（Normative Power Europe, NPE），也試圖在印太地區的數位秩序中發揮影響。然而，相較於美國以市場驅動（market-d..

In an era of rapid technological advancement, the digital domain has become a core battleground for geopolitical competition, reshaping global governance, security, and economic structures. The intensifying U.S.-China technological rivalry is accelerating the fragmentation of the global digital order, with the key challenge being the divergence in global cyber governance norms, reflecting conflicting values and policy priorities. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific region, with its economic potential and technological innovation capacit..