過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..

國際關係主流理論研究的是多邊關係，但是多邊關係得以運作，其前提在於，當多邊關係受限時，可仰賴雙邊關係加以維繫或超越，使多邊關係免於遭到直接挑戰。本文主張將雙邊關係做為國際關係研究途徑加以探究，並以戰後英國因實力變化而選擇轉向雙邊為個案。出於避免一夕崩壞及維護利益的設想，孱弱的大英帝國在戰後選擇向雙邊主義靠攏，美中兩國成為優先考量。即便這兩組雙邊關係間存在矛盾，卻是英國勉強藉由兩組雙邊關係維繫既有多邊框架，再行逐步調整，進而在戰後世界站穩腳跟的機制。 ..

Mainstream IR theories are typically multilateral. However, for any multilateral frame or value to last, bilateral relations must be able to resolve conceivable limitations. Thus, bilateral relations should be intrinsic to IR theorization. We use the United Kingdom in the aftermath of WWII as our case. The UK managed bilateral relations with the United States and China as ways to overcome its decline after the war. The bilateral relations transcend the multilateral frame and value. Accordingly, the UK’s two bilateral re..