自一帶一路倡議提出以來，中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策，在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助，大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而，政府之間的合作成果，卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況，對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例，審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問題、社會發展與國家安全等角度，分析 2015 年 A1 國道事件及 2018 年的平順省暴動兩起抵抗事件進行分析，以掌握中國在東南亞推動的一帶一路倡議之最新運作狀況及合作中存在的潛在挑戰。
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row, this paper uses Vinh Tan electricity center – a complex of coal power plants located in Binh Thuan Province, Vietnam, as a case study and talks about issues, such as: the impact of environmental pollution from these Chinese-built power plants on local’s economic livelihood, health, social development, and Vietnam’s national security. Additionally, this study gives updated insights into China’s implementation of BRI and its challenges in Southeast Asia.
中國崛起下東亞區域各國的反應，是近年來廣受關注的議題，中國邊疆地區的反應則相對受到忽略。以人類歷史上並不罕見的多民族大帝國視角來看，曾經的外邦可以收入版圖，曾經的境內也可能叛離或喪失，控制程度的深淺時有變動，在尋求跨越時空通論解釋的國際關係理論視角下，這看似南轅北轍的古今中外不同帝國的收放之間、異族的叛服之間，共通的關鍵因素究竟為何？現實主義所聚焦，物質力量的興衰固然重要；但建構主義的脈絡中，異族對帝國有無文化認同，是否也不可忽視呢？於此，既有研究除關注西方的羅馬帝國，更聚焦於東方的清帝..
The reaction of countries in East Asia under the rise of China has been a topic of widespread concern in recent years, while the reaction of China’s border areas has been relatively ignored. For multi-nation empires throughout human history, foreign territories can be included, and owned territories may also be lost. The degree of control changes from time to time. From the perspective of international relations theories that seek general explanations over a wide range of times and spaces, what exactly are the key factors accounting f..
中國自1978年改革開放以來，隨著快速的工業化與城市化的發展，國家糧食安全與糧食自給率的確保一直受到高度的重視。然隨著2001年加入世界貿易組織，國際農產品貿易日趨熱絡，糧食自給率逐漸下降，因此引發一個問題，即中國糧食安全程度是否逐漸惡化?糧食安全與貿易自由化是互補關係，抑或是互斥關係?本研究利用經濟學人信息社(Economist Intelligence Unit，以下簡稱:EIU)建構的全球糧食安全指標(Global Food Security Inde..
Food self-sufficiency rate has been the major food security indicator for policy decision-making in China for a very long time. However, after reform and opening the country with increasing international trade, the self-sufficiency ratio of food has gradually decreased, which raises the question, is there a gradual deterioration of China’s food security? This study uses the Global Food Security Index (GFSI) constructed by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), consisting of three sub-indexes, namely affordability, avail..
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