過去幾年來,民粹與右翼的政治勢力在許多民主國家持續成長,尤其是歐洲地區。以德國為例,「德國另類選擇黨」(AfD)以反歐盟、反移民政策為代表,並且在2017年聯邦眾議院選舉中,一口氣以12.6%的得票率拿下94席成為第三大黨,也是最大的在野黨。後續在2021年的選舉中, AfD拿下10.3%的選票,維持一定的影響力。在當前右翼、民粹的政治勢力對民主形成的挑戰中,社群媒體中的臉書成為一個重要的工具性角色。在臉書的經營策略上,右翼、民粹的政黨往往以聳動、煽動的言語攻擊既有的體制與主流政黨,激化了社會中的對立,也激起民粹氣氛。本文以德國AfD為研究對象,比較2017進入體制後一年,以及2021大選前九個月的過程中,AfD在臉書上的競選與宣傳模式,探討右翼民粹勢力與臉書經營的若干特性。依據實證資料的分析,本文主要的發現有三:第一、AfD進入體制後,仍舊在社群媒體上比其他政黨較為活躍;第二、總理Merkel不再續任,使AfD在2021年改以其他潛在的總理候選人進行攻擊;第三、相較於2017年,AfD在議題掌握上分散了過去對反難民、反移民的集中程度,並增加對疫情政策的抨擊。
In the past few years, the right-wing populist parties are rising in many democracies especially in Europe. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is known for its opposition to the EU and immigration policy of Germany. AfD has won 94 seats (12.6%) in the 2017 German Federal Election and became the third largest party as well as the largest opposition party. In the 2021 Federal Election, AfD still won 10.3% of the vote and 83 seats. In this wave of populist forces on democracy, social media plays an important role. In terms of management strategies of Facebook, right-wing and populist parties often attack the existing political system and mainstream political parties with sensational and inciting words, and intensifying the confrontation in society and arousing a populist atmosphere. This paper takes the AfD as the research object. Based on empirical data, there are three main findings: first, AfD is still the most active party in the social media after 2017; second, after Merkel decided not to be re-elected, AfD changed target to other main chancellor candidates: third, the agenda setting for 2021 election has added about Covid-19.
學界對於民粹主義如何適當地概念化仍有諸多異見,同時關於普丁主義及其是否為民粹主義也面臨爭議。本文的研究目的不是繼續爭議普丁是否為民粹主義者,而是從西方的民粹主義的基本定義中「人民」、「反菁英」、「普遍意志」三個要素出發,首先討論19世紀俄國民粹主義的發展及其本質,進而探討普丁民粹主義操作下的歷史繼承與變異。筆者認為19世紀的俄國的民粹主義運動與今天普丁主義的民粹操作已經截然不同,二者的連結只剩下從俄羅斯歷史發展中「分裂的特殊性」所發展出的「整合對立的救贖」─俄羅斯獨特發展道路的神話。在此..
There remains considerable disagreement in academic circles on how to conceptualize populism properly, and there is also ongoing debate about whether Putinism should be classified as a form of populism. The purpose of this research is not to continue to dispute whether Putin is a populist, but to start from the three elements of the basic def inition of populism in the West: “the people”, “counter-elites” and “general will”, first discuss 19 the development and essence of Russian populism in the century, ..
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