瑞典與芬蘭是歐洲實施中立政策歷史相當悠久的國家，長期以來這兩國選擇中立作為外交政策主軸，不過2022年2月俄烏戰爭爆發後這兩國決意擺脫中立、改以申請加入北約為其新的外交目標，此種策略轉變對兩國與歐洲安全形成很大衝擊。芬蘭已於2023年4月4日加入北約，2023年7月北約峰會召開之際，土耳其與匈牙利亦表態支持瑞典入約。本文所欲探討者乃是分析這兩國為何調整其長久以來堅守的中立政策理念，過往多數觀點認為瑞、芬兩國拋棄中立乃因俄烏戰爭威脅所致，但實際觀察兩國政策演變，俄烏戰爭僅是政策轉折最後階段..

Sweden and Finland are countries with a long history of neutral policies, and they have traditionally chosen neutrality as their main direction for foreign policy. However, after the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War in February 2022, both countries have decided to abandon neutrality and adopt joining NATO as their new security strategy. This disruptive evolution of diplomatic strategy has had a significant impact on the security of both countries and Europe as a whole. As of the writing of this article, Finland has already joined NATO on..

過去幾年來，民粹與右翼的政治勢力在許多民主國家持續成長，尤其是歐洲地區。以德國為例，「德國另類選擇黨」（AfD）以反歐盟、反移民政策為代表，並且在2017年聯邦眾議院選舉中，一口氣以12.6%的得票率拿下94席成為第三大黨，也是最大的在野黨。後續在2021年的選舉中， AfD拿下10.3%的選票，維持一定的影響力。在當前右翼、民粹的政治勢力對民主形成的挑戰中，社群媒體中的臉書成為一個重要的工具性角色。在臉書的經營策略上，右翼、民粹的政黨往往以聳動、煽動的言語攻擊既有的體制與主流政黨，激化..

In the past few years, the right-wing populist parties are rising in many democracies especially in Europe. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) is known for its opposition to the EU and immigration policy of Germany. AfD has won 94 seats (12.6%) in the 2017 German Federal Election and became the third largest party as well as the largest opposition party. In the 2021 Federal Election, AfD still won 10.3% of the vote and 83 seats. In this wave of populist forces on democracy, social media plays an important role. In terms ..

本研究從民眾認知外在威脅的觀點，分析其在2020年的總統選舉中，如何影響其投票行為。在2019年的年初，中國國家主席習近平提出「一國兩制，台灣方案」之後，蔡英文總統給予強力的回應，伴隨同年六月間香港升高的「反送中運動」，讓中華民國會不會因為中國大陸的威脅而消失的「亡國感」發酵，成為影響2020年選舉的重要關鍵。 本研究運用在2020年的選舉前後執行的定群追蹤調查，分析民眾是否具有「亡國感」的感受。我們發現，擔心因為被中國大陸統一而讓中華民國消失的民眾比較較高，超過五成一。我們進一..

From the perspective of possible external threat, this study analyzes how voters’ perceptions of external threat might affect their vote choice in the 2020 Presidential election in Taiwan. After Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the ‘one country, two systems’ Taiwan formula” in January of 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen gave a strong response. Along with the “Anti-Extradition Movement” in Hong Kong in June of the same year, the “sense of national subjugation (wangguo gan)” fermented by the pos..

於2019年底爆發之COVID-19病毒大流行再度引起政治學界對於國家的政體類型與公衛治理效能兩者關聯性之關注，惟目前對於政體因素的影響力以及關於相異政體孰勝孰負的論點未見統一，故本文嘗試透過質性與量化混合的途徑重新審視此爭辯。綜合而言，以2020年為觀察年度的研究範圍中，本研究的量化分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，愈民主的國家呈現愈高死亡率之相關性。再者，本文之個案研究發現，在東亞國家的防疫過程中，非民主政體的國家展現較高的政府擴權程度，進而使這類國家的政府呈現出相對於民主國家較好之..

The COVID-19 pandemic that broke out at the end of 2019 has once again drawn the attention of political scientists to the correlation between regime types and public health governance. However, the current scholarly discourse lacks consensus on the influence of political regime factors and the comparative advantages or disadvantages among different regime types. Therefore, this paper attempts to re-examine this debate through a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach. In this study, a comprehensive analysis was conducted for the year 20..

本文的主要目的在瞭解台灣學者如何研究中國的多邊外交，研究成果展現了哪些特色，以及與國際學術界研究此一議題的連結。有關台灣學者研究成果收錄的範疇，則主要以2012年之後的著作為主。本文首先就中國官方及學術界，以及國際學術社群，針對中國多邊外交概念及理論架構的研究，以及政策與執行層面的分析，作一整理爬梳。接下來則探討台灣學者對中國多邊外交的總體性研究，作出了何種貢獻，其與國際關係中多邊外交分析傳統的關聯性如何。此外，本文也針對中國多邊外交的個案，探討台灣學者研究成果與國際學術界研究取向之異同..

The purposes of this study are to understand the approaches adopted by the Taiwanese scholars to research on China’s multilateral diplomacy, major characteristics of research results, and the linkages with the international academic society. The scope of analysis is limited to research publications after 2012. This paper first explores major theoretical concepts adopted by international and mainland Chinese academics on China’s multilateral diplomacy, followed by the analysis of research outputs on policy implementation and prac..