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搜尋結果 : 和"美國"有關的資料, 共有110筆
南韓在美國與中國之間的避險戰略
South Korea’s Hedging Strategy Between the United States and China
陳麒安Chi-An Chen 吳崇涵Charles Chong-Han Wu
即將出版
61卷2期(2022/06/01)

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時,避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為,中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交,透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持,進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國,在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為,除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化,短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..

後冷戰時期美中泰三方互動分析: 一個時間序列分析的途徑
The Interaction of the U.S.-China-Thailand Triangle in the Post-Cold War Era: A Time- Series Analysis Approach
黎寶文Pao-wen Li
即將出版
61卷2期(2022/06/01)

本文主要關注後冷戰時期,面對中國崛起,美中兩強與以「竹子外交」聞名的泰國如何相互應對與影響?本文主要研究問題為:一、促成美中泰三方互動結構轉變之重要政治事件為何?二、美中泰三方互動是否存在第三方影響?三、美中泰三角關係內部行為如何相互影響?透過時間序列分析,統計結果佐證911事件對美中泰三角關係產生了結構轉變之效應,而中國政經因素與泰國內政因素之衝擊有限。此外,統計結果也證實美中泰三角關係中,美中互動將促成泰國利用對美政策加以平衡回應,顯示泰國面對大國政治的..

Facing China’s rise in the post-Cold War era, how do great powers, like the United States, China, and Thailand, who is famous for its bamboo strategy, interact with each other? This paper aims to answer the question by analyzing (1) what events cause structural changes in the triangle; (2) how the third-party effect works in this triangle; (3) how the three actors influence each other. By applying time-series analyses, statistical results show that the 911 attack had led to a structural change for the triangle. The impa..

機會主義者: 英國、美國、台灣與李光耀的總理路(1955-1959)
Opportunist: Britain, America, Taiwan and Lee Kuan Yew’s Road to Prime Minister, 1955-1959
劉曉鵬(Philip Hsiaopong Liu)
即將出版
61卷1期(2022/03/01)

主流國際關係學者認為,美國在冷戰時期尊重英國在新加坡的殖民地位,故不干涉英國內政,也不介入獨立前新加坡的政治。此外,由於李光耀的反共形象,學者亦少質疑他與美國的友誼;而族群與意識形態接近的台灣,也常被認為與李光耀交好。本文以檔案與國際關係文獻為核心,回顧1950年代李光耀與英國、美國及台灣之間的關係,尋找李光耀不同的面貌。 本文發現李光耀因其行為親北京,使英國與美國產生很大的爭辯,導致美國介入新加坡政治,迥異於主流學者的認知。身為殖民主的英國熟悉新加坡的華人認同政治,認為李光耀是機會..

Many scholars concur US acceptance of Britain’s colonial policies during the Cold War, and therefore rarely study the phenomenon of American intervention in British internal affairs especially with regard to pre-independence Singapore politics. Moreover, because of popular perceptions of Lee Kuan Yew's anti-communist stance, scholars seldom question his relationship with Washington. Taiwan, due to its ethnic and ideological proximity with Singapore, was also widely believed to be friendly towards Lee. Using archival research, this..

論世界貿易組織上訴機構之改革: 美國立場與歐洲聯盟應對方案之評析
On the Reform of the WTO Appellate Body: An Assessment of the United States’ Position and the European Union’s Proposals
李貴英(Catherine Li)
即將出版
60卷1期(2021/03/01)

WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠,如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機,反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來,美國運用WTO所要求之共識,屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案,尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定,上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後,上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評,包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之,許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺,而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..

美國總統公布對臺軍售的時機選擇: 行政部門通知國會審查的分析
The President’s Choice of Timing for Arms Sales to Taiwan: An Analysis of the Executive Branch’s Notification to Congress for Review
陳偉華(Wei-hua Chen)
即將出版
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

自我國與美國斷交後,過去40年來,美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題,亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾,長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間,亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑,本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入,以總統決策機制為分析單元,討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色,以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數,檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

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