雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..

本文從批判性地緣政治 ( critical geopolitics ) 的角度，藉由波士尼亞戰爭 ( 1992-1995 年 )此一案例，探討後冷戰時期美國的外交政策。深受國際關係後實證主義 ( post-positivism) 的影響，批判性地緣政治旨在問題化(problematize) 地緣政治的思想，主張地緣政治的基本元素，例如主權、領土、疆界、民族國家等，其意義不是既定的，而是社會實踐的結果。外交政策的功能之一，即是藉由賦予特定「他者」一個地緣政治的意義，建構或合理化國家的政策還..

This paper uses the approach of critical geopolitics to study the US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, with the Bosnian war (1992-1995) being the empirical case. Influenced by the stream of post-positivism in International Relations (IR), critical geopolitics aims at problematizing traditional geopolitical thinking, holding that the meaning of concepts such as sovereignty, territory, boundary, nation-state, and so on, is not given and fixed, but is a construct of social practices. One function of foreign policy is thus to give an &ld..

本文以土耳其以外的三個行為者-美國、伊拉克、歐盟-作為解釋近年來土耳其政府與境內庫德族關係改變的主要因素。美國與伊拉克的衝突造成伊拉克境內庫德族處境艱難，卻造就伊拉克庫德族與美國政府站在同一陣線的機會，觸動到土耳其政府的敏感神經。相對於美國傳統的權力觀，歐盟對於其他國家的重塑力在土耳其與庫德族的關係演變中獲得了彰顯。在此錯綜複雜的多邊關係中，美國與伊拉克庫德族的共同利益以及歐盟與土耳其庫德族的共同利益交織出土耳其政府愈來愈有限的庫德族政策選項。 ..

This article looks into the changing relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish population within Turkey. In explaining changes in this relationship over the past twenty years, the roles of three external actors - the U.S., the Iraqi Kurds, and the EU - are brought into consideration. The Iraqi War prompted the U.S. government to have a cozy relationship with the Iraqi Kurds, a development that alarmed the Turkish government. In contrast with the conventional approach to power by the American government, the ..

全球化帶來了生活意識的同化以及空間一體化的現象，使得美國能夠藉此散播其意識形態，而美國也確實藉由全球化的機制增強了其在國際事務上的影響力，並在全球相互依賴的網絡下贏得了主導的位置。本文嘗試以霸權國作為研究的核心，藉由垂直(vertical)與水平(horizontal)社會化兩種國際社會化(International Socialization)的方式來說明霸權國如何利用除了傳統的軍事武力之外的社會化途徑來影響其他國家，成為維持其霸權體制的另一種柔性力量。 ..

Globalization leads to assimilation of life consciousness and space integration. Thus enables the U.S. to spread ideology, reinforces international influence, and gains possession of the leading status under this global interdependence network. This article attempts to use horizontal and vertical socialization approaches to explain how hegemonic states utilize their soft powers to maintain dominance and exert influence on other states without the use of military force.  

2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..

In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..