2016年8月1日原住民族日當天，蔡英文總統代表政府正式向原住民族道歉。自此之後，臺灣的原住民族政策便邁入了新頁。在眾多後續討論中，原住民族自治議題尤其受到族人與各界的關注。對此，現階段政府的規劃，是希望參酌美加紐等國經驗，透過「實質談判程序機制」來達到自治。此方案近似於前述原住民族先進國所採取的「條約模式」，也就是透過原住民族和國家(中央、地方政府)協商談判並簽訂協定的方式，來確認進而規範兩者間的關係。面對此一嶄新的方案，各界的討論卻相對有限。無獨有偶地，..

In 2016, President Ing-wen Tsai apologized to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples on behalf of the government, which is known as the National Apology. Echoing this National Apology, the Council of Indigenous Peoples reaffirmed its proposal called the “substantive negotiation process”. Before long, this innovative treaty-making provision opened a debate on whether or not such process can really fit in with Taiwan’s current constitutional and legal system. As a way to move forward, this article attempts to scruti..

就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言，可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題，儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢，卻也有無能為力之時，必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量，甚至形成合作關係，方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性，本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入，並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例，詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形，及..

The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..

1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後，「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是，像泰國這樣的東南亞國家，在劃定政治空間以後，卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶，中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱，而且，容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期，泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅，而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治，且主張統治的正當性，泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系，使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決，..

Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era， however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling， the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used..

尼加拉瓜前軍事將領Daniel Ortega，以38%得票率於2006年總統選舉獲勝當選。選後，許多分析家將Ortega勝選歸結為2000年選舉法及右派候選人分裂，而本文旨在利用尼國最高選舉委員會公布的選舉結果，重新檢視促成Ortega當選的這兩項原因之影響力。在交叉分析尼國選舉結果後，筆者發現勢均力敵的右派政黨候選人競爭形勢，使Ortega得以首輪當選。

Nicaragua's former military leader, Daniel Ortega, has won the 2006 presidential election with 38 percent of the vote in the first round. Some Analysts have argued after the election that there were two main factors - the 2000 election law and the division among the two rightwing candidates - that led to Daniel Ortega's victory. In this paper, the author  aims to reexamine the influences of those two factors by using the election result released by the Nicaragua Supreme Electoral Council (CSE). In conclusion, the author fin..

當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動的發展，並非僅是一種受到斯里蘭卡獨立後期政治、社會與經濟發展激化的現象，而係深植於斯里蘭卡泰米爾獨特的殖民歷史經驗、種姓社會結構與濕婆文化傳統脈絡之中;在這種發展脈絡之下，使得晚近斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動在追求「意拉姆」世俗性建國理想的過程中，不斷流露出令許多觀察者感到驚訝的濃厚宗教性色彩。透過聚焦於「濕婆信仰復興運動」與「種姓制度」對於當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動發展的影響，並通過「泰米爾意拉姆解放之虎」實際發展例證的考察，本文企圖追..

The recent development of the Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka is not simply the results of political, social, and economic simmering in the post- independence era, but deeply rooted experiences of colonial history, caste system, and the Saivite culture unique to the Tamils. Such development has led to surprises among observes of such gross religious phenomenon throughout the Tamil nationalist pursuit of “Eelam” – the secular ideal of statehood. Focusing on the Saivite revivalism and the caste system as well a..