中小型國家在當前國際體系下的數目眾多，這些國家有各自國家利益與偏好，因此理解這群國家的策略選擇可以更全面地了解國際關係發展。本文研究設計有以下幾個特色：第一，本文以歐洲的中小型國家為個案研究標的，擇立陶宛、匈牙利與土耳其三國進行分析，這三國分別位於當前東／西歐對立環境的最前沿，透過觀察這些國家可理解地緣斷層帶上中小型國家面對歐、俄強權競爭時的策略選擇。第二，由於中國近年不斷向歐洲拋射影響力，歐洲國家明顯感受到中國政策影響，歐洲的中小型國家傳統上面對歐／俄兩強環境已出現變化，由於中國不斷崛..

Small and medium-sized states constitute a substantial portion of the contemporary international system. These states possess distinct national interests and preferences; hence, examining their strategic choices provides a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics of international relations. This study is characterized by several key features. First, it focuses on European small and medium-sized states through the case studies of Lithuania, Hungary, and Turkey. These countries are situated on the geopolitical frontlines of the current East..

本研究目的在建立美國傳統戰略模糊與臺灣避險策略間之理論關聯性。主要假設當臺灣從美國獲得較多且明確之安全承諾時，將可能更依賴美國安全保護傘，進而降低自身制定外交政策之自主與靈活性。過去數十年，華盛頓持續且長期的安全承諾，即有可能限制臺灣的避險策略選擇。本研究的實證證據，主要探討川普與拜登政府任內，華府戰略模糊逐漸轉變為戰略清晰下，臺北在美中兩強之間的外交政策。此外，藉由將避險的理論「模型化」，並區別避險與樞紐的關係，是本文另一個研究貢獻。

The study aims to establish a theoretical connection between strategic ambiguity and hedging policy. The assumption is that as Taiwan receives more security assurance and clarity from the United States, it may rely more on the U.S. security umbrella, reducing its autonomy and flexibility in crafting its foreign policy. Over time, consistent and prolonged security commitments from the United States could limit Taiwan’s hedging options, as it increasingly aligns with the U.S. position. The empirical evidence in this article explores how..

「淨零排放」為聯合國預計於2050年達成之目標，而臺灣在配合國際減排目標的同時，卻較少針對不同外銷出口策略所產生的溫室氣體排放，以及國際社會逐漸在推動的碳邊境稅／費制度予以探討。因此，本研究旨在透過2021年的鳳梨禁運事件，探討臺灣在轉向出口多元化的過程中，因不同出口策略而影響的溫室氣體排放，並以此對國內碳費政策的實施提供建議。研究結果發現，相較於過去對中國出口的依賴與集中，臺灣在朝向出口多元化發展的同時，不僅因著過去的路徑依賴，對日本形成「出口再集中」的趨勢，也在航運過程中對環境造成了..

“Net-zero emissions” is a target set by United Nations to be achieved by 2050. While Taiwan aligns with international emission reduction goals, it has shown limited focus on greenhouse gas emissions related to various export strategies and the global trend of carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAM) which is promoted by the international community. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the impact of greenhouse gas emissions influenced by different export strategies during Taiwan’s shift towards export diversification..

霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..