霸權應對崛起強權的具體策略，是觀察美中兩強權力競爭的重要課題。國際關係受到霸權權力衰落宿命論的影響，無視霸權是戮力科技創新的國際層級結構產物。本文試圖從領導長周期論的視角，勾勒科技創新對於霸權維繫其全球主導地位的重要性，提出霸權面對崛起強權科技創新追趕挑戰的分析架構。本文解析冷戰時期美國回應蘇聯地緣戰略與日本科技創新威脅的不同面貌，辨識美國為延緩中國科技創新追趕速度，在關鍵新興尖端科技領域，所採取的出口管制、自強自固、阻絕圍堵與吸融匯濟等四種策略，並分析美國所遭遇的挑戰與契機。本文發現，..

The specific strategies employed by a hegemon in dealing with rising powers are a crucial aspect of understanding the power competition between the United States and China. International relations paradigms have been influenced by the notion of the inevitable decline of hegemonic power, often disregarding the fact that a hegemon is a product of international-level efforts in science and technological innovation. This article aims to delineate the significance of technological innovation in maintaining global dominance for a hegemon with the..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」，擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個，以利區域廣域政策的推動，並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而，自治體的存續為憲法所保障，尤其在民主時代，日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此，有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下，選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題，實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..

美國如何操作外交政策訊號而使其政策意圖能夠被正確解讀呢?過去研究探討美國外交政策是否因「聽眾成本」大小而變得可信。但對於美國政府如何操作外交政策訊號卻未有系統性研究。本文介紹過去學界引用賽局理論所推演出的兩項假設。即在高賭注系列事件上，美國外交政策訊號呈現正反夾雜，混淆不一的現象。而在低賭注系列事件，美國政策訊號則呈現重複敘述，單調一致的現象。本文以美國在南海島礁爭議，以及其在 APEC 承諾的系列事件為例，試圖檢證上述兩項假設。本文發現就此兩系列案例，美國..

How does the U.S. manage its foreign policy signals to ensure its intentions are read correctly? Scholars have invoked the concept of ‘audience cost’ to explain credibility of leaders’ threats and policy signals. However, no systematic study has been undertaken on how the U.S. government manages its foreign policy signals. By employing two hypotheses developed by a scholar of signaling games, this paper attempts to examine how the U.S. manipulates policy signals to allow its intentions to be read correctly. ..

本文從決策者角度探討中印關係中的競合模式。中印在國際間先後崛起之際，兩國之間充滿競爭與合作，且往往競爭多於合作。中印之間的競合模式多半是一種策略合作，進行務實的交往但保有平衡選擇。競合的時機取決於決策者對於議題相關成本與利益的考量。決策者希望在重要議題上合作，擱置爭議，為經濟發展創造一個和平的環境，但是保持可啟動平衡行動的選擇，作為避險。不過，因為缺乏互信，以及決策者面對的政治風險，有時策略合作中原本是備而不用的平衡選擇被啟動。例如，在 2013 ..

This article studies the competition-cooperation model between China and India from the perspective of decision-makers. While China and India experience fast economic growths, there are inevitably competition and cooperation between the two. The choice to cooperate or compete depends on how the decision-makers perceive the interest structure of the engagement of the two countries on issues. However, oftentime it is not easy to judge whether the two countries are in a zero-sum or non-zero sum game on one issue. “Strategi..