新現實主義針對外部平衡提出了許多的模型，但卻未能說明國家為何，以及如何在不同類型的內部平衡間進行選擇，以回應外在的壓力。要解釋一國在軍事政策上的變化，必須以一種結合體系與單元雙層次變數的理論進行分析，而這種理論的基礎即是目前方興未艾的新古典現實主義。不過，新古典現實主義雖注意到了單元層次的重要性，卻仍忽略了國家行為邏輯的雙重性，亦即，國家除了權衡利害關係(後果性邏輯)以做出決策外，在此過程中，也會受到文化因素(適當性邏輯)的影響。本研究即是希望能夠透過理論綜..

There are many models of external balancing based on neo-realism. Nevertheless, not all can interpret why and how states choose among different types of internal balancing strategies to response the extrinsic stress. To understand the change of a state’s military policy, neoclassical realism integrates the system-level and unit-level variables. However, it still ignores the dual nature of the logic of state’s action, namely, besides interest, the influence of culture. Hence, a new “secure arming” model..

歷史制度論是一問題意識、方法立場與理論建構三者緊密結合的學派。研究者始自經驗的問題意識，欲解答大問題與真實世界的難題，並由此引導出特定的方法立場與理論建構模式。在方法立場上，歷史制度論者同意質化研究的「因果過程模式」，並運用比較方法進行系統性、脈絡性的歷史過程分析。但歷史制度論者並未拘泥於質化方法的基本教義，面對量化陣營的質疑，反而持開放的立場並提出多元的回應方式。在理論建構上，歷史制度論者具有「中程理論」的共識，並從整體觀點和權力途徑探討制度運作，能結合不..

As a school, historical institutionalism integrates research agenda, theory and method as a whole. Researchers in this field intend to answer “big questions” and to solve real-world puzzles, inducing specific characteristics in their theory and method. In aspect of method, historical institutionalists agree on “causal process model” in the qualitative researches and analyze historical process systematically with the comparative method. Facing the challenge from quantitative researchers, historical inst..

受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響，對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義，威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法，可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰，而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機，更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動，討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點，分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲..

As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussi..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

Alexander Wendt 運用量子意識理論作為其建構主義的知識論主張，嘗試證明科學實在論的觀點，也就是可以能科學地研究與證明理念與意識在形成集體認同及行動的作用。Wendt 的量子意識理論肇因於建構主義內部的知識論爭論，他科學實在論的知識論立場引發了不同的批評，遂而提出量子意識理論作為回應，企圖告訴讀者不同的思考世界方式。 本文將聚焦於 Wendt 所提出的量子意識理論(假設)對於建構主義理論 (甚至整個國際關係理論)的意涵，以及..

Alexander Wendt tries to use quantum consciousness theory or hypothesis (QCT) as an epistemological position for his constructivism to defend the scientific realism that it can scientifically research and prove the effects of ideas and consciousness on collective identity formation. Wendt’s QCT resulted from the epistemological debates within constructivism, his scientific realism has generated various critics, he initiated QCT to response these critiques and tried to tell readers how to think the world differently. ..