本文根據國際貨幣的內涵與貨幣國際化的前提條件，分析中國推動人民幣國際化的主要措施與目前人民幣國際化的程度，並評估人民幣國際化的未來展望。由於國際貨幣的使用具有很強的慣性，以美元與歐元為主的國際貨幣具有先占者優勢，加上中國的資本管制與金融發展程度偏低等因素的制約，人民幣要成為全球性的國際貨幣，應該是很遙遠的事。但是基於地緣關係、經貿關係與相對的經濟實力，短期內(例如 3 至 5 年)人民幣應該可以在周邊國家扮演貿易計價貨幣的角色。如果中國能夠在這段期期間逐步實..

Based on the connotation of international currency and the preconditions of currency internationalization, this paper investigates the measures taken by the Chinese government to promote the internationalization of the RMB and assesses the current state and prospect of the RMB as an international currency. As the hierarchy of international currencies has a strong inertia, together with strict capital controls and a low level of financial development in China, it will take quite a long time before the RMB emerges as a global c..

西元 2000 年以後，開發中地區的人權保障體系出現值得注意的新發展。在中東，建立區域性人權保障標準的努力，最初體現在 1990 年的《開羅伊斯蘭人權宣言》，而後則有阿拉伯國家聯盟先後兩次通過的《阿拉伯人權憲章》。從 2009 年開始，阿拉伯人權體系正式展開運作。本文的主要目的，在於追溯分析阿拉伯世界人權運動的發展歷程，並以《阿拉伯人權憲章》的文本為討論焦點，分析阿拉伯地區的人權觀點與國際人權理念的互動，並針對新建立的阿拉伯人權體系前景進行初步評估。 ..

The establishment of the Arab Human Rights Committee in 2009 signaled a new era of human rights protection in the Arab world. Given the tension between Islamic values and universal human rights and the relentless conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people, the Arab human rights mechanism would have been regarded as “mission impossible.” This article offers a pioneering investigation by reviewing the original and revised Arab Charters on Human rights. The analysis suggests that regional perspectives on huma..

本文主要的目的是探討戰略文化研究在國際關係領域中的發展與理論定位之相關問題。國際關係戰略文化研究乃源自於軍事歷史學者對國家戰爭方式與作戰傳統之探討，並開始蓬勃發展於 1970 年代的冷戰時期。在社會科學國際關係研究領域中，戰略文化的研究方向是企圖在以物質為基礎的現實主義論述外，強調從文化意念與歷史途徑的角度，探討國家行為者在國際環境中的戰略行為模式根源。目前，西方關於戰略文化研究的文獻相當多，但在這豐富的文獻中迄今仍尚未產生一個共同而且被接受的戰略文化概念，..

This paper seeks to explore the development of strategic culture in the field of international relations by highlighting the problem of its theoretical orientation. The research of IR strategic culture stemmed from the research of traditional ways of war by many military-historical scholars and started to emerge since the 1970s. The main research purpose of strategic culture is trying to look at the ideational origin of state behavior in the international environment by taking the perspective of culture under the dominance of..

當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國，但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代，外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過，不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想，往往強調反躬自省，因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時，幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標，以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..

Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..

現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現，不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向，則附屬於霸權的相關討論，而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為，崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前，只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度，唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後，方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述，僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發，未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為，亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。 發生霸權更迭之前，並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例，例如德意..

The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construct..