本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應，將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結，揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中，領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色，及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的，政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時，利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器，引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果，來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過，從實存的歷史發展過程來看，這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..

This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..

人類安全的概念首次出現在聯合國開發計畫署(United Nations Development Programme, UNDP)於 1994 年出版的人類發展報告之中，自此 之後，人類安全與人類發展等概念廣為各國採用與學界討論。其中位於東南亞的泰國，於 1997 年遭受亞洲金融風暴的襲擊後，在泰皇蒲美蓬 (Bhumibol Adulyadej)的倡導之下，積極推動強調「以人民為主」(people- centered)的人類安全概念。雖然泰國在許多方面表現出對..

The concept of human security first appeared in the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) 1994 Human Development Report. According to the report, the scope of human security should be broadened to include seven issues: economic security, food security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security and political security. Since then, concepts of human security and human development are widely adopted and implemented by states and commonly discussed in the academic world. Thailand ac..

中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..

本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..