現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現，不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向，則附屬於霸權的相關討論，而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為，崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前，只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度，唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後，方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述，僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發，未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為，亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。 發生霸權更迭之前，並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例，例如德意..

The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construct..

1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後，「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是，像泰國這樣的東南亞國家，在劃定政治空間以後，卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶，中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱，而且，容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期，泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅，而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治，且主張統治的正當性，泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系，使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決，..

Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era， however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling， the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

地方立法權是代表地方人民行使意思表達的權力，亦是民主國家地方自治體的最核心權力。如何在府際合作中持續地方立法權的功能與職責，以落實地方自治，是本研究的問題意識。本研究以府際合作的地方立法權之角色為核心，首先，探討地方自治體中地方立法權的角色 ; 其次，審視府際合作中地方立法機關之定位 ; 最後，以日本的廣域行政制度為例，剖析地方立法權在其中所扮演之角色。

Local legislative power is the representative authority that executes the will of the local people and is the pivot of authority within the local government in democratic countries. How to maintain the functions and duties of the local legislature under the intergovernmental cooperation system, and thereby lead to the fulfillment of local self-government is the central problem of this paper. Focusing on the local legislative power under intergovernmental cooperation, this paper will explore the role of local legislative power in the local g..

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..