本研究主要以新古典現實主義的研究途徑,檢視跨太平洋夥伴關係(TPP)倡議以來,日本民主黨與自由民主黨在國內與國際面向所面臨到的局勢,以此分析對政策發展的影響,並提供合適的解釋,來說明政策轉變的原因。本論文的主要研究步驟如下:首先是理論的部分,針對國際關係主要學派有關外交政策的論點進行辯證;其次,則是簡要說明 TPP 的形成背景與日本相關政策的推動;復次,進一步說明日本歷任內閣對於 TPP 的立場,並討論面臨的課題;最後,再以理論連結決策過程當中..
This paper attempts to analyze domestic and international situations faced by the Democratic Party(DP)and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)since the TPP was proposed from the neoclassical realism approach. The purpose of this paper is to analyze policy development impacts and explain the necessity of policy changes. This paper will focus on (1) critical thinking of foreign policy from different major international relations theories, (2) backgrounds of TPP development ..
本研究探討 2003~2006 年期間,哈馬斯的政治轉型與其「抵抗方案」的關係。哈馬斯全名為「伊斯蘭抵抗運動」(Islamic resistance movement),因過去在以色列境內,從事自殺炸彈活動,被西方國家列入恐怖組織名單。 2006 年 1 月 25 日巴勒斯坦舉行議會大選,出乎眾人意料,哈馬斯成為選舉最大贏家。許多學者認為哈馬斯在政治上的轉型並非偶然。例如 2003~2006 年期間,即使哈馬斯發動多起自殺炸彈攻擊,但受到外在與內在環境的改變..
The aim of this paper is to examine Hamas’ political transformation by scrutinizing its resistance project between 2003 and 2006. Hamas is an acronym of the ‘Islamic resistance movement’, which was founded in 1987. Due to its past record of suicide bombings inside Israel, Hamas had, in the past, been viewed by some Western countries as a terrorist organization. However, since the Palestinian Legislative Council(PLC)election held in January 2006, Hamas unexpectedly had the capability of forming a government i..
英國脫離歐盟的公投意外地以過半(52%)比例通過,此舉不僅會重塑英國在世界上的位置,亦將深遠和持續影響其國內政治與經濟發展。在經濟上,公投結果已造成英鎊匯率持續下跌、商業活動減少、投資下滑與就業機會消失,尤其嚴重衝擊英國金融業。失去歐盟會員資格的情況下,倫敦金融中心恐難再維持歐元交易中心的領導地位。在政治上,如何在主張脫歐的民意與要求留歐的蘇格蘭和北愛爾蘭兩者間取得平衡,成為主政者維持聯合王國完整的最迫切挑戰。本文認為,以 1985 格陵蘭脫離歐盟為例,一國..
The UK referendum on Brexit was passed unexpectedly by a 52% majority. This result will not only reshape the UK’s place in the world but also has profound and enduring impact on the UK politics and economy. Economically, the Brexit result has caused continuing devaluation of UK sterling and declines in contracts, investment and employment. The UK financial service sectors have been affected the most. It is difficult for the City of London to maintain its position as the leading financial center of the euro without the U..
相對於泰國與馬來西亞,印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家,也有內需市場支撐,但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律,也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌,而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑,就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素,本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈,..
With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..
自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸,在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選,並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職,而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施,頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展,並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察,而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..
The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..
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